The tinderbox and the match, part 2: the REAL honest truth about the St. Louis fire of 1973

A couple years ago, I took a detour from my Ronald Tammen research to investigate the July 12, 1973, fire that consumed the sixth floor—and the military records that were stored there—at the National Personnel Records Center (NPRC) in St. Louis, Missouri. Based on redacted records from the FBI’s investigation, I hazarded a theory that a 23-year-old Vietnam veteran who’d been honorably discharged due to psychiatric issues had probably started the fire by accident after smoking a cigarette on the sixth floor. I felt this way because the veteran—Terry Gene Davis—wasn’t at work on the day in which the case was going before the grand jury, which happened to be Halloween 1973, and he’d shot and killed himself one day later. I pointed to other evidence that I felt was ironclad as well, the strongest being that someone had written the grand jury’s ruling—“no bill,” or insufficient evidence to indict or investigate further—at the bottom of the memo discussing Terry’s suicide.

Well, guess what? I now have more info, and I’ll be revising my theory. One change is major, one change is a little more nuanced, and, although one part of my theory appears to be holding firm, it’s a lot more complicated than I’d originally thought.

The new info comes to us by way of William Elmore (he goes by Bill), a no-nonsense Air Force veteran who was working as a custodian on the sixth floor of the NPRC at the time of the fire. Bill has gone on to build a formidable career helping fellow veterans. At one time, he ran a small business in which he helped veterans obtain the benefits and services they deserved by locating the necessary paperwork. He’s a founder of the National Coalition of Homeless Veterans. He was an associate administrator of the Small Business Administration, where he oversaw the Office of Veterans’ Business Development. He’s a big deal. 

Bill knew Terry Davis pretty well. While Bill wouldn’t say they were the “best of buddies,” they were coworkers. They were also neighbors. Both men were renting cabins on a small road overlooking Twin Islands Lake, a scenic area that’s one county over from St. Louis County. Terry’s cabin was next door to Bill’s. They’d see each other both on and off the clock—working the 4 p.m. to 12:30 a.m. shift at the NPRC and occasionally during their off hours—though both were also quite busy. As part of the federal government’s Veterans’ Readjustment Program, which helped both of them get their jobs at the NPRC, they were required to take college courses during the daytime. Terry was taking classes at Meramec Community College in Kirkwood, Missouri. Bill took his courses at Forest Park Community College in St. Louis.

Sadly, it was Bill who’d discovered Terry’s body on November 5, 1973, several days after Terry’s suicide. 

Bill’s recollection of the night of the fire is seared in his memory.

At a little after midnight on July 12, 1973, shortly before the end of their shift, Bill and Terry were standing with other custodians at the guard’s stand near the building’s main entrance waiting to sign out. Custodians and others whose shifts were ending weren’t permitted to leave the building until precisely 12:30 a.m., so they would congregate at one of two doors—the main entrance, which was on the second floor on the west side of the building, and the so-called back entrance, which was on the first floor on the east side. (If your brain, like mine, shuts down as soon as someone starts throwing around directions and asking you to visualize everything in your mind, I’m including a simple diagram of the building that was included with the FBI’s FOIA response documents, with some additional details I’ve provided in red.) 

My attempt at a diagram of the building. Note that nothing here is drawn to scale. In fact everything is probably drawn wildly out-of-scale. This is just so you can see various key areas. Click on (wildly out-of-scale) image for a closer view.

According to the FBI documents, at roughly 12:15 a.m., Bill and Terry were standing at the second floor entrance on the building’s west side when they learned about the fire. As Bill tells it, a guy on a small motorcycle had shown up at the main entrance and was frantically trying to open the doors. When a guard opened the outside door to find out what the man was trying to say, Bill remembers hearing him say that the fifth floor of the south wall of the building was on fire.

As it so happens, that same motorcycle man had ostensibly flagged a guard who was in the parking lot inspecting a government car and told him about the fire “on the southwest corner of the Records Center.” With that news, the guard got into the car and drove to the southwest corner of the building. The building itself was enormous—728 feet long from west to east and 282 feet wide from north to south. Peering upward, he guesstimated that the fire started about a third of the way down the building’s south side, and that it was burning “in an eastward direction.” He noticed flames “shooting”—his word—out of the windows directly above the computer cabinets on the fifth floor. “The blaze encompassed three small windows in the top of the sixth floor,” he told an FBI special agent afterward. The guard deduced that the fire was on the sixth floor.

But inside the building, there was still a lot of confusion about where the fire was. According to Bill, one source of confusion was that all of the exhaust fans in the building had been turned off except for the ones on the fifth floor. This caused smoke to billow out of the fifth-floor windows, and was very likely the reason the guard had seen flames there as well. Smoke was pouring into the other floors too, including the fourth floor computer area and corridors and the elevator shafts. The smoke on the fifth floor was so bad that one person said that “you could barely see two feet in front of your face.” 

At roughly 12:17 a.m.—after the motorcycle man had banged on the front doors and before the first fire fighters had arrived—Terry, acting on impulse, had decided to run up a stairwell to the sixth floor and investigate, a response he later described to a special agent of the FBI during their investigation. He wanted to “go take a look at the fire,” he told him, and he took the stairwell closest to the guard stand, which was near the northwest corner of the building. A detail that Terry didn’t mention (or that the special agent neglected to write down) was that Bill had decided to follow Terry. Bill was thinking that, when they reached the top of the stairs, he could grab an emergency fire hose hanging on a wall beyond the stairwell door to fight the fire. At least that was his plan.

Little did Bill know that, by then, the fire had already grown fangs. It would require way more than one fire hose to tame it. 

After arriving on the sixth floor about a minute behind Terry, Bill opened the door that separated the stairwell from a lobby-type area where the escalator and freight elevator were located. Bill was now facing a set of double doors that opened into a hallway. The hallway was the main dividing line between the office area (on the hallway’s north side) from the file area (on its south side), where the military records were kept. Bill vividly remembers seeing Terry running through the double doors, his eyes fixed on the stairwell door that Bill was coming through. A look of terror was on Terry’s face. A wall of smoke was moving faster than he could run. 

Terry’s expression is what stands out most in Bill’s memory. Whatever else Terry might have said or done that night didn’t really register with him. It was the look on his face that he’ll always remember.

I think we’ll do the rest of this as a Q&A:

You said you have a major change to make regarding your theory. 

Indeed I did.

What did you get wrong?

It’s rather humongous. It has to do with a custodian who, in the ensuing weeks and months, was talking freely and openly with fellow custodians about having set the fire. When the U.S. attorney presented his case to the federal grand jury on October 31, he produced a signed confession from that person along with the statements of five witnesses who had heard him claiming to have started the fire. At first, none of the witnesses had believed him. He had a reputation for running off at the mouth to get attention. But then, as his claims grew more daring, they wondered if he might be telling the truth. 

In my earlier post, I’d presumed that Terry must have been the bold talker in addition to being the sixth-floor smoker. I thought he was the one who was telling the outrageous stories, though I still thought the fire was an accident.

But according to Bill, the person who was making those claims wasn’t Terry. 

It was a Black man who happened to be physically and cognitively impaired. 

So, mystery solved, right? It was the disabled man who’d been owning up to it all along when he signed the confession.

I wouldn’t say that. 

Why not? He admitted it.

Let’s call him “BT,” short for Bold Talker. 

You know what’s weird about BT’s signed confession? The confession that he signed doesn’t match any of the stories that the five witnesses described. Not a one. When BT was talking to his coworkers, he never described the act of lighting up a cigarette and having himself a smoke. The way he told the story, he’d carried some matches up to the sixth floor—in some tellings, he found them on the first floor; in other tellings, he’d brought them from home—and lit those matches, even going so far as to purposely light one of the file boxes on fire. It was all about the matches, not the cigarette, which, truth be told, is the whole point of smoking. The way BT told it, he did it out of boredom—“for something to do.” He actually said those words to one witness. 

But the confession that BT signed told a different story. In the signed confession, he discusses bringing a cigarette from home, which he stowed in his shirt pocket. He said he brought a book of matches too. He then said that he went to the sixth floor and smoked his cigarette “pretty far” and, when he was done, he used a screw hole in one of the shelving units to put it out. He put the hot end in the hole and he tossed the cigarette butt and spent match on the floor. He didn’t think either one was still hot. He really, truly, honestly did not mean to do it and he felt horrible about it.

But Bill has serious doubts about BT’s signed confession. He always has.

Why?

Years after the fire, he’s not exactly sure when, Bill was at the St. Louis Airport talking to a fellow passenger when he noticed BT walking through the corridor.

“Excuse me,” he told his friend. “I need to talk to that man.”

Bill walked up to BT, they probably exchanged hellos, and then he said, “I have just one question for you. Did you smoke?”

BT’s response was “Nope.”

That’s right. BT wasn’t a smoker.

“None of us had ever seen him smoke,” Bill said to me.

So that’s rather huge, wouldn’t you say? It certainly casts doubt on the crux of BT’s confession. It seems as if the FBI didn’t have a lot of faith in that confession either though. Even though they had a detailed confession signed by BT himself, they claimed in a document dated November 6, 1973, that it was something that Terry had told them that was the strongest evidence implicating BT. In most law enforcement circles, a signed confession would supersede hearsay any day, but there was something about BT’s confession that didn’t feel like a slam dunk to them. Obviously, the federal grand jury wasn’t overwhelmed either, since they decided there wasn’t enough evidence to charge BT with a crime or to investigate further.

But there are other weirdnesses about BT’s confession.

What kind of weirdnesses?

–The car

In his signed confession, BT says that he signed out at 12:30 a.m. then walked up the escalators “which were turned off at the time” to the second floor entrance on the west side “where my car was parked.” 

BT had a physical disability that affected his left leg and foot as well as his right arm and hand in a pronounced way. From what I’ve gathered, and to its credit, the state of Missouri didn’t automatically disqualify someone who had both an upper-body and lower-body limb impairment from obtaining a driver’s license in those days. But there would be restrictions. Bill doesn’t remember whether or not BT drove, but he told me that, if he did, his car would’ve had to have been an automatic. A manual transmission would require the use of his left foot to press the clutch when switching gears as well as the use of his right arm and hand to change gears. To Bill, BT’s disability would have made those movements extremely difficult if not impossible. Even an automatic transmission would require some use of his right arm and hand to switch from “drive” to “reverse” to “neutral to “park.”

And although I don’t know the degree to which he was cognitively impaired, he would’ve had to pass a written test as well as a driving test. He would likely have had to provide signed documents from his doctor plus perhaps others who could attest to his capabilities as well. For these reasons, we can’t be at all sure whether BT was able to drive, or if he used an alternative mode of transportation to and from work, be it public transportation, another driver, or a combination of both.

–His confession doesn’t match his earlier statement

Another weirdness is that BT’s signed confession doesn’t match his original statement to the FBI regarding his actions that night.

As we just discussed, in his signed confession, BT says that he signed out on the first floor and then walked up the escalator to the second floor, where he exited to the lot where his car was parked. Here are his exact words:

“At about 12:10 a.m., I went down to the first floor, by the lobby on the east end of the building to wait for time to go home at 12:30 p.m. [SIC: should be 12:30 a.m.]. Some other custodial employees were there too, and we talked for awhile. I then signed out at about 12:30 a.m. on July 12, 1973, and was walking up the escalators which were turned off at the time. I went to the west entrance where my car was parked, and I noticed firetrucks outside. I smelled smoke as I had gone down the corridor, and it occurred to me that maybe I had started a fire, that the cigarette might not have been out.”

But in his earlier statement, which was conducted on July 16, 1973, the FBI summarized BT’s account this way:

“[BLANK] finished his work at about 12:00 Midnight and went to the locker room to clean up. At this time, no one had mentioned anything about a fire. At about 12:15 A.M., July 12, 1973, he went to the second floor to sign out. While he was standing in line waiting to sign out, someone had mentioned that there was a fire upstairs. No mention of the size or exact location was made. [BLANK] stated that he assumed the fire was small and was under control. He thought no more about it, and signed out and left at 12:30 A.M.”

So on July 16, 1973, he said that he went to the locker room near the east entrance on the first floor to clean up and then went straight to the second floor and waited in line to sign out there. However, in his October 12, 1973, confession, he said that he’d signed out on the first floor and then walked up the escalator to leave by way of the west entrance, where his car was supposedly parked. Those aren’t the sorts of details that a person would lie about, since the FBI could have easily checked the two logs to find out which one was accurate. Besides, Bill says that it makes no sense that he would sign out at the east entrance on the first floor and then walk up the escalator to exit the main entrance, since he would have had to sign out on the second floor too. The guards at both entrances would require each person to sign out before they exited the door.

Also, in his confession, he only started smelling smoke as he was walking down the corridor. But in July, he said that “someone had mentioned that there was a fire upstairs” as he was waiting in line to sign out on the 2nd floor.

Interestingly, in his July statement, BT had this to add: “[BLANK] stated it is his opinion that it would be very difficult for an outsider to get into the NPRC-M [NPRC Military Branch] but that it would be easy for any NPRC-M employee to move around freely to any area.”

That’s not something a person who worked inside the building would say if he thought he might have caused the fire, whether accidentally or on purpose.

Lastly, let’s think about BT’s disability again. His left leg had little to no mobility, which made walking for him extremely challenging, since his right leg did most of the work. Custodians were required to take their carts to a designated room on the first floor, near the east entrance, at the end of their shift. If BT could drive, why in the world would he park his car on the west side of the building, which was 728 feet long—well over two football fields away? Why not park his car in the lot on the east side, which was nearest the area where custodians stowed their carts and cleaned up? The only way it makes sense to me is if BT walked to the west entrance after dropping off his cart because that’s where he had to go in order to catch his ride home.

These discrepancies lead me to wonder if BT’s confession was someone else’s story, which he’d been coerced into signing as his own, or if it had been made up out of whole cloth, which, again, he’d been coerced into signing.

With most names being redacted in the FBI documents, how can you be sure that you’re reading BT’s statement from July 1973 and not someone else’s?

In his signed confession, BT described his job as “cleaning the escalators between the first and the sixth floor.” Bill also confirmed that BT was responsible for cleaning the escalators.

When I reviewed all of the custodians’ statements from July 1973, with the exception of one extremely vague, brief statement, I was able to pinpoint where in the building each person had worked on the night of July 11. There is only one statement in which the custodian said that he worked on the escalators. For this reason, I believe this to be BT’s statement. Also, the person’s physical characteristics that aren’t redacted are a perfect match between the two statements—with one small exception. BT had lost 1/2 pound since their conversation in July.

For comparison, here’s his entire statement from July and here’s his confession from October.

And here’s a comparison of the physical descriptions for each.

These are the characteristics of the escalator cleaner from his July 1973 interview. Click on image for a closer view.
These are the characteristics of the man who signed the confession in October 1973. Click on image for a closer view.

Oh, and by the way? BT doesn’t mention a car in his July statement. He just says that “he signed out and left at 12:30 A.M.”

How does this affect your theory on Terry Gene Davis?

This is where things get a little more nuanced. I can’t prove that Terry Gene Davis was the accidental source of the fire on the sixth floor after smoking a cigarette. In fact, after talking to Bill and after going through the documents two or three more times, I don’t believe he was responsible for starting the fire. What I’ve come to believe, however, is that Terry Gene Davis was worried that he may have accidentally started the fire on the sixth floor, which would explain his words and actions afterward.

Here’s why I think so:

He ran directly to the sixth floor

As we discussed earlier, there was a lot of confusion as to where the fire was among the people who were in the building. The fire marshal himself said that it was initially thought that the fire was on the fourth or fifth floors. Here’s just a sampling of some the comments that had been made to the FBI:

The 3rd floor

  • At roughly 12:27 a.m., one long-time employee rode a freight elevator to the third floor to try to locate the fire.

The 4th floor

  • One of the guards at the east entrance was preparing to sign out the employees when he was told there was a fire on the fourth floor. When he got there, he decided it must be on fifth floor but he couldn’t make it further due to all the smoke.
  • At 12:25-12:35, three firemen arrived on the fourth floor and called the guards to turn on the escalators so more firemen could join them.

The 5th floor

  • Bill recalls hearing the motorcyclist at the front door saying that the fire was on the fifth floor when he and Terry were standing at the west entrance.
  • At roughly 12:20 a.m., one custodian at the east entrance recalls hearing someone shouting that there was a fire on the fifth and sixth floors.
  • A guy who worked on the maintenance crew said that at a few minutes after 12:30 a.m., his supervisor had instructed him and four or five others to go to the fifth floor and put out the fire.

With all of those mixed messages flying around, at that critical moment—12:17 a.m., according to the National Archives’ timeline, which was just two minutes after Terry had ostensibly reached the second floor to sign out—Terry decided to head straight to the sixth floor to investigate. That’s kind of weird though, because A) at that point, people waiting inside were still confused regarding what floor it was on, and B) Terry didn’t even work on the sixth floor. Terry worked on floors four and five. You’d think that if he was going to run anywhere—and by the by, he was in full run, definitely not walking, according to Bill—it would have been to one of those floors. Bill, who cleaned the offices on the northeast part of the sixth floor, followed Terry. His plan was to grab a fire hose when he got there, because why run to a fire without bringing along something to put the fire out? But Terry was more interested in finding the source of the fire. Just as he said to the FBI investigator, he wanted “to go take a look at it.” So that’s kind of weird too.

He wanted to make sure everyone knew that the smoke and flames weren’t on the southwest side

During his initial interview, which took place on July 17, 1973, there was something that Terry wanted to make sure that the FBI was fully aware of—so much so, that he said it more than once.

The message he wanted to convey to the FBI was that the fire hadn’t started on the southwest part of the sixth floor. No way, no how.

Here’s the first time he said it, which can be found on page 1 of his July statement:

“DAVIS opened a door in the hallway which leads to the file section on the sixth floor in the southwest corner of the building. He walked over to the south side of the building where the windows are located and said that the west one-third of the building on the sixth floor in the file section was not on fire and was relatively clear of smoke. However, as he looked toward the east end of the building, and began walking in this direction, he ran into a solid wall of heavy dense, grayish-black smoke. He estimated that this covered the other two-thirds of the floor. At that time he left the file area and entered into the hallway; and tried to close a few doors that were opened in the file section.”

And here’s the second time, which is on page 2 of his statement:

“DAVIS emphasized on the west one-third of the sixth floor he did not observe any flames and the area was relatively clear of smoke.”

First, I need to point out that the FBI special agent who was taking Terry’s statement got Terry’s location all wrong on page 1. Terry had taken the stairwell in the northwest corner of the building, not the southwest (see red map). Also, Bill doesn’t know what “few doors” in the file section Terry would have closed as he was running away from the fire. There weren’t any doors in the file section–only the one set of double doors at the end of the hallway in the northwest corner of the sixth floor.

Second, Terry’s description of the fire’s location aligns perfectly with the security guard’s description. Both agreed that the first third of the building’s southwest side was clear of smoke and fire. 

Nevertheless, he seems a little defensive about the southwest corner. This is just a guess, and I can’t prove it, but I wonder if Terry may have been smoking in the southwest corner of the sixth floor earlier in the evening and he wanted to make sure that everyone was aware that the fire did not start there.

–He gave a weird answer when he told the FBI about his trip to the sixth floor

You know that wall of heavy, dense, grayish-black smoke that Terry ran into as he “walked” eastward on the sixth floor, and how he then “left the file area and entered into the hallway”? I think that’s the moment when Bill opened the stairwell door and saw Terry’s face as he exited the hallway.

But here’s the rub: on page 2 of Terry’s statement, it says:

“He said on his travels to and from the sixth floor he did not observe anyone else.”

Bill is a thoroughly credible source. During our phone conversations, his neurons were firing numbers, names, and dates in real time, to the point where I believe every word he says concerning the fire or anything else for that matter. If Bill saw Terry’s frightened face (and I believe that he did), then I’d have to think that Terry saw Bill’s face too. I mean…maybe Terry didn’t see Bill, considering all the smoke. But Bill had opened the stairwell door that Terry’s eyes were fixed upon—so ¯\_(ツ)_/¯. Bill also thinks that when he saw all the smoke behind Terry, he probably exited quickly, employing some Ninja moves to jump from landing to landing in the stairwell to get down from the sixth floor. (He says he used to be pretty good at that.) But it’s a strange omission, which might be a signal that Terry was nervous about something.

–He missed work on the day the grand jury had met and he killed himself the very next day

Granted, Terry was undergoing a lot of stress at the time of his death. He’d recently been in a minor car accident, he was arrested for riding his motorcycle in a prohibited area, his girlfriend had left him, and his relationship with his parents was on the fritz too. In addition, he may have been experiencing hallucinations from his mental illness. An FBI report said he felt “possessed of a demon” and Bill recalls Terry claiming to see and feel “spirits” of some sort. 

Nevertheless, the timing of his suicide can’t be ignored. It was one day after the federal grand jury had returned their decision about the fire in which he was considered the strongest witness against one of his coworkers.

I know what you’re thinking. You’re thinking: even if he was stressing out about the grand jury, why would he kill himself if their decision was not to indict or to investigate further? 

That’s a good point. But remember that Terry lived in a cabin out in the boonies, next door to Bill. As it so happens, Bill didn’t have a telephone in his cabin, most likely because there wasn’t a telephone line hooked up to it. And if there wasn’t a telephone line connected to Bill’s cabin, then there wouldn’t have been a telephone line hooked up to Terry’s cabin either. Although Bill wasn’t aware that the U.S. attorney went before the grand jury on October 31, I strongly suspect that Terry—the strongest witness implicating BT—had been informed of the date. What I don’t think he’d been informed of was the grand jury’s decision at the time of his death.

Interesting. You’ve mentioned that BT didn’t smoke. Did Terry?

Bill doesn’t know if Terry smoked cigarettes, and perhaps he didn’t. But Terry did smoke pot. He said so in the third sentence of his suicide note. Here’s the first part of his note:

“There just isn’t any point to any of this. Nobody gives a damn and never has. Blame it on dope. Blame it on parents. But people *** are the cause of all the _______ _______ in the world. 

The smoking question is especially interesting though. What’s not stated explicitly in the FBI documents is that smoking cigarettes was permissible anywhere in the NPRC building EXCEPT for the file areas. People could smoke in offices, the corridors, the bathrooms, you name it. There were ashtrays throughout the building. One custodian’s sole responsibility was emptying ashtrays in all of the corridors on all six floors. If a person really needed a cigarette and it was during one of their breaks, they could have gone to the Finance Division on the fourth floor, the only place in the building with the air conditioning still turned on, and sat in the boss’s chair. Or they could have gone to the fifth-floor vending area and had a Coke with their smoke.

So why would anyone go to the sixth-floor file area to have a cigarette, especially in St. Louis in July, when it was so excruciatingly hot up there? There are two main reasons that I can think of: they’d go there if they didn’t want to be seen—the area was super dark at night—and they’d go there for access to the large exhaust fans. Those exhaust fans would have been perhaps the most important draw. Located in the windows all along the south side of the building, the exhaust fans could air out any telltale smoke aromas. They also were the perfect place to flick whatever a person had been smoking outside in the event a guard or supervisor should happen by. My guess? A person would be more inclined to go there to smoke a joint versus a run-of-the-mill cigarette.

What was the evidence that Terry had provided against BT?

This was a puzzler at first, because none of the five witnesses’ personal descriptions matched Terry’s personal description from his July interview. I also couldn’t find a statement from anyone that was considerably stronger than everyone else’s. I still can’t. But I think I’ve figured out how Terry fit into the picture. 

I think Terry was the witness that I’ve labeled as #4. He was interviewed on October 15, 1973, three days after BT had signed his confession. The FBI agent described Terry’s hair as being blonde instead of brown, the latter of which was his hair color in his July statement. Although that part threw me off—hair generally gets lighter in the summer, not the fall—the rest fell into place.

Two giveaways that this witness was indeed Terry are 1) the witness was employed in his position at the NPRC since June 1972, which is consistent with Terry’s July statement, and 2) he claimed to have been on the sixth floor the night of the fire, after the fire had started. Very few people that I know of could say that—only Bill and Terry, and it wasn’t Bill. (Even a guard who tried to take an elevator to the sixth floor wasn’t able to get off due to all of the smoke. He couldn’t even open the door from the stairwell because the smoke was so heavy.)

Here’s one telling paragraph. Although the names are redacted in the document, I’ve inserted them here to make it more readable. I’ve put Terry’s last name in brackets, since this is still a hypothesis:

“On October 11, 1973, [DAVIS] said he again discussed the fire with BT and BT repeated that he had started the fire. On this occasion, BT had advised that he had brought matches from home. [DAVIS] said he had pointed out to BT that he had previously stated the matches were found on the first floor. BT merely responded with a ‘Yeah.’ During this conversation, BT said he started the fire near the west end of the 6th floor. [DAVIS] said he at first tended to disbelieve what BT was saying because on the night of the fire [DAVIS] was on the sixth floor after the fire started and he noticed no flames toward the west end.”

Later in his statement, he said “BT had said he was responsible for the fire frequently enough and earnestly enough that he began to ‘seriously wonder if BT may have actually been responsible for the fire.’” In his closing, he said that it appeared that BT was showing concern about what could happen to the person who started the fire, “and that this lent substance to his belief that BT may have, in fact, set the fire at the records center.”

If Terry was genuinely worried that he may have accidentally started the fire, it would have been a huge load off his conscience if it turned out that something or someone else was responsible. And if BT was walking around telling everyone that he was the one who’d done it, well, who was Terry to argue with him?

From the little I know about Terry Gene Davis, he didn’t seem to be a mean or vengeful person, or someone who would lie to protect his own hide. He even weighed both sides of the matter with his FBI interviewer. On the one hand, there were discrepancies to BT’s stories, which led him to disregard them. On the other hand, when BT seemed concerned about how the responsible party would be punished, that’s when Terry became more convinced that BT “may have, in fact, set the fire at the records center.”

You can read his statement in its entirety here.

What does Bill think?

There are things about the fire that bother Bill to this day. As I mentioned earlier, Bill doesn’t think that BT started the fire. He doesn’t think Terry started the fire either, and he’s not even convinced that Terry had been on the sixth floor smoking at any time that day.

One thing that he finds perplexing is how intense the fire had become in such a short time. People hadn’t even begun to smell the smoke until around 12:15 a.m., and by that time, it was already too late. Bill and others have pointed out that, although there was paper everywhere in the file area, the files were packed tightly in sturdy boxes on steel shelving units. That’s not generally the best-case scenario in which paper catches fire quickly.

Besides, another sixth-floor custodian had left that floor at 12:05 a.m. and he didn’t see or smell any smoke or fire as he entered the elevator to head down to the first floor to return his cart. But, according to the National Archives’ timeline, the motorcyclist had shown up to alert people in the building about the fire at 12:11 a.m., only six minutes later. And by the time Terry and Bill had made their way to the sixth floor at around 12:17 a.m., that fire had taken over two-thirds of the floor, according to Terry’s July 1973 statement. I’ve tried to start campfires with a Bic lighter and a rolled-up newspaper, and it’s taken me longer than that to get something going.

Another aspect of the case that Bill has been bothered about is the vault that was located across the hallway from the office area on the sixth floor. The vault stored confidential documents pertaining to…well, we don’t really know what they pertained to, which is why they were in the vault. Bill and the other custodians used to refer to it as the “VIP/Secrets” vault or just “VIP vault,” and Bill says that many of the documents pertained to famous people. In addition, documents stored in the vault covered such broad topics as combat operations, courts-martial, publications, research and development, the Air Force, the Army, certain military personnel records, and the largest category of all, “Other.”

On July 14, it was discovered that even the vault had caught on fire at some point, although many documents stored there had ostensibly survived—something to the tune of at least 4,796 cubic feet of them. According to Bill, after the sixth floor had been cleared for a select few people to go back up there, a security guard was posted outside the vault, most likely due to the fact that there was a newly created gaping hole in its back wall, which now opened into the file area. 

Five days later, the special agent in charge (SAC) in St. Louis—a guy named Robert G. Kunkel—wrote a memo to FBI director Clarence Kelly describing the records stored on each floor of the building. Kunkel stated that “with the exception of an insignificant percentage of 1973 registry” (which was a portion of the names of Army personnel who had been discharged after January 1, 1972), “the records on the sixth floor were totally destroyed.” 

But that was—let’s see, how does one put this delicately?—super untrue. Judging by what the fire marshal had said, documents that were farther away from the fire’s origin may have been singed but they appeared to be “75 percent intact with only the edges burned.” Also, Kunkel had neglected to mention the 4,796 cubic feet of records in the vault that had survived. 

So, the inconsistent descriptions of how many classified documents inside the vault had survived the fire and how those documents were handled after the fire are another issue for Bill.

Then there was the question of the fire’s origin. We’ll be going into more detail on this subject in a couple seconds, but let’s just say here that the authorities claimed not to have a definite answer on that.  But it was pretty obvious where the site of the most intense heat was located, and that was…wait for it…near the vault. According to the fire marshal’s interview with the FBI, a “great amount of heat had been concentrated” in a region he’d described as being “toward the center of the building.” He later stated that the fire’s origin was in that same central region, “about 75 to 100 feet from the south windows in a northerly direction.” Hello? That’s near the vault. As Bill recalls, office supplies—staplers, telephones, and other paraphernalia—had melted to desks in the office area, which was, again, near the vault. For these and other soon-to-be-reported reasons, Bill has wondered if the fire’s cause had more to do with the vault than with someone’s smoldering cigarette. 

But don’t just take my word for it. Bill has written a statement that describes his experience leading up to, during, and after the fire, which I’ve included at the end of this post. You’re going to want to give it a read. His story has never been told in print before. 

What else can you tell us about the 6th floor vault?

Is everyone sitting down? Beverages freshened? Good, because I have something pretty huge to lay on you right now. 

I agree with Bill—there was definitely something fishy going on with that vault. Of course, you won’t get any help from the FBI on this topic, since, again, then-SAC Robert G. Kunkel (the same Robert G. Kunkel who, months earlier, had made national headlines for doctoring records in D.C.’s field office and being demoted to St. Louis by interim FBI director Patrick Gray) didn’t feel it was worth mentioning in his July 19 memo. But Bill has recently sent me some documents he’d obtained through the General Services Administration (GSA), which managed the building, and which had conducted their own investigation into the fire. Trust me, even though the FBI appears to be in the dark, the vault was getting lots of attention after the fire. Here’s what I can tell you:

— On July 16, 1973, a guard was placed outside the vault to protect the material inside, just as Bill had said. The reason was because Warren B. Griffin, then-acting director of the NPRC, had been up on the sixth floor and determined that “possible compromise of the classified material existed…” which I think may be code for “oh good Lord, there’s a ginormous hole in the back of the vault!”

— On July 19, 1973, an action plan was developed to remove the surviving documents from the vault. (Did you hear that, Robert G. Kunkel? A document written on the same day as your memo says there were surviving documents!) The plan was to remove Top Secret documents first, then the Secret and Confidential files, including Official Military Personnel Files (OMPFs) that contained classified material, then the sensitive material, then the OMPF’s of employees and relatives. Furthermore, they’d said that the Top Secret material was in 22 file cabinet safes and 80 boxes, and that the “material in safes are in wrapped packages or wrapped boxes—all numbered.” But best of all, they said “Our present impression (based on previous visit to vault area) is that this material is in fair to good shape.” That seems like excellent news!

— A July 31, 1973, work plan on the Sixth Floor Vault Project provided a few more details about the surviving files. Most of the records had been moved out of the vault by that date. The two kinds of records that remained were: damp records (from all the water that had been sprayed on them) and records that were “badly burned or otherwise not salvageable.” As for the records that had already been moved out, about 90 percent of the records that were damp but salvageable had been moved to the 3rd floor vault. Still to be moved into the 3rd floor vault were about “17 (5-drawer cabinets) of Air Force ‘Top Secret’” records and “several cabinets of Tech Orders,” all of which were still sitting in a temporary location. Roughly 95% of the badly burned records had been moved to a staging site, where they would eventually be transported to the Metropolitan Sewer District’s incinerator. We would later learn that the total amount of badly burned records in the vault was 2087 cubic feet, which were incinerated in August 1973.

— For those of you keeping track at home, that would mean that, of the 4,796 cubic feet of documents that had once occupied the vault, 2,087 cubic feet of documents were badly burned and unsalvageable, which would result in 2,709 cubic feet of still-usable documents that remained, right?

— Nope! On February 6, 1975, almost two years after the fire, Warren Griffin, who was now the director of the NPRC, provided a somewhat smaller number for the badly burned or water-damaged documents once stored in the 6th-floor vault: 4,557 cubic feet. After subtracting the 2,087 cubic feet of documents that had been incinerated in August 1973, 2,470 cubic feet of documents remained, according to Griffin. It was these documents, which he described as “Air Force Research and Development case files,” that he decided to incinerate on February 6, 1975, 19 months after the July 12, 1973, fire.

“Umm…what’s that now?” you ask.

Me: Oh, yeah. Two years after the fire, the director of the NPRC obtained authorization to incinerate the remaining documents from the 6th floor vault, which were described as 2,470 cubic feet’s worth of Air Force R&D case files.

You: 

Me: 

You: But why?

Me: Oh, his reason? Though it isn’t clear who the recipient was, Griffin wrote in a memo that: “It has since been determined that the integrity of individual series and cases has been completely destroyed and that the intellectual control over the records is completely lost.” 

You: He seems, I dunno…panicked?

Me: He kinda does, doesn’t he? Remember that the man is referring to the Top Secret Air Force documents, which were ostensibly still numbered in cabinet safes and boxes and sitting inside a 3rdfloor vault. So it’s rather illogical that Griffin would have felt all of the sudden that the “integrity “of the series and cases had been “completely destroyed” and the “intellectual control” had been “completely lost.” What could have possibly happened nearly two years after the fire that would have prompted this call to action?

As it turns out, I think I know. 

What’s the answer? Why did the director of the NPRC incinerate 2,470 cubic feet of Top Secret Air Force R&D records that were in relatively good condition two years after the fire?

I think Warren Griffins’ verbiage about destroyed integrity and lost intellectual control was code for “oh good Lord, the Senate has put together a committee to study intelligence activities of the CIA, FBI, and military, and they’re going to be coming after these documents.” On January 28, 1975, roughly one week earlier, it was announced that the Church Committee would be studying abuses in intelligence activities that would eventually lay bare Projects Artichoke and MKULTRA, among others, for the world to view. 

You know, to be honest, I’d always thought that my research into the St. Louis NPRC fire was a sideline activity…something to do during down periods as I waited on responses to FOIA requests that I’d submitted on Ron Tammen. Now it seems as though the St. Louis fire might have some relevance to Tammen’s case after all. As many of you know, we’ve been talking about Air Force Research and Development for a long time now. Could one of those case files have been Ron’s? Were Doc Switzer or Jolly West mentioned in one or two of them? I wonder.

Whoa…so if BT or Terry didn’t cause the fire, who did? 

Great question. Although I don’t know the answer, one document amid the hundreds in the FBI’s collection seems as if it could offer up a clue. Remember how BT was asked how easy it was for an outsider to get into the building, and he said it would be very difficult? The FBI posed that question to several other people as well. Normally it was quite difficult for an outsider to enter the building after hours.

The reason is that both the main (west) entrance and the back (east) entrance were locked at 5 p.m. Everyone during the late shift was basically locked inside the building throughout their workday except for during their half-hour lunch break, when they were permitted to go off site, though most people ate in the fifth-floor vending area. After their shift was over at 12:30 a.m., custodians could exit from both the east and west entrances.

More importantly, however, is that after 5 p.m., no one could enter by way of the east entrance. People could only enter through the main entrance. And because the main entrance was locked, the guard would have to let them in.

Bill told me a rather amusing anecdote concerning how stringent the General Services Administration’s protocol was. When the first fire fighters had arrived, they weren’t permitted inside the building until the guard had called GSA headquarters in Kansas City to get permission to let them in. Bill, having returned from the sixth floor and seen what they would be up against, recalls watching the firefighters standing helplessly outside. Bill got so fed up, he took it upon himself to open the door to let them in.

Got the picture? The building was extremely closed-up, and very tightly locked, and extraordinarily difficult to enter from the outside. 

So imagine my surprise when I read an FBI report summing up the notes of one of the firefighter units which described a conversation between two guards who were standing at the east entrance at 3:45 a.m. on July 12. It read:

“The conversation the guards were engaged in concerned two individuals who entered the east door of the center at about 11:45 A.M., July 11, 1973, just prior to the fire being discovered.”

Mind you, the time 11:45 a.m.—as in 11:45 in the morning—on July 11, 1973, was nowhere near “just prior to the fire being discovered.” If the two individuals had truly entered the building at 11:45 a.m., that would have been 12½ hours before the fire was discovered, and no one would have thought twice about someone entering the building at that time. Someone—was it the firefighting unit or the FBI?—had gotten their A.M.s and their P.M.s confused. The guards were actually discussing two people who had entered the building at 11:45 p.m.—roughly one-half hour before the fire was discovered—through a door that no one was supposed to enter after 5 p.m. I’ve since obtained confirmation that the time that the two men entered the building through the wrong door was 2345 hours—which is 11:45 p.m.

Questions? Concerns?

The document proceeds to discuss how the guards tried to find the two individuals and even radioed for help, but they were unsuccessful. One of the guards said that they might have been college students hired for the summer, but that wouldn’t have mattered. Entering the building through the east entrance wasn’t permitted after 5 p.m. by anyone, let alone a couple of temporary college students. And the fact that the guards were still discussing it at 3:45 a.m. tells me that they didn’t think it was nothing either.

Can you post a map of the sixth floor that shows us where the fire originated?

LOL! Sorry, I shouldn’t laugh, but here’s the situation: out of the hundreds of pages of documents that the FBI has sent me regarding their investigation into the fire that destroyed the sixth floor of the NPRC, a schematic of the sixth floor was not included. If you want to see grainy black and white pictures of firetrucks and hoses pouring water all over the roof of the NPRC building, as well as the charred and melted aftermath of the fire, the FBI has scads of those. But an actual drawing of the sixth floor of the building? One that shows the layout of the hallway and the office area and the file area as well as the rest rooms and escalators and the elevators and stairwells and where the vault was and a big X where the fire was thought to have originated? They don’t have that. Or at least, if they did, they don’t think you and I should have access to it. In fact, the only drawing they provided of the building with the approximate location of where the smoke was coming from was produced by our friend the motorcyclist, who’d spotted the smoke from his workplace at Carter Carburetor and who rode to the NPRC to alert everyone inside. I used the motorcyclist’s drawing to make my drawing of key areas in the building because I, like him, believe drawings can be helpful.

Another person who I’m guessing could appreciate the importance of a drawing is the fire marshal. According to an interview typed up by an FBI agent, the fire marshal had arrived shortly after an alarm sounded (which, according to the FBI summary, happened at 12:13 a.m.), however, he was unable to examine the damage on the sixth floor due to the intensity of the heat and smoke. He did the next best thing: he surveyed the damage while looking through the south windows and focused his attention on the area that appeared to have been subjected to the most intense heat. In his interview with the FBI, the fire marshal said that, based on the fire’s intensity, he would have guessed that it had been smoldering since 4 p.m. the previous day, which we know wasn’t the case since people had been working on that floor all night and no one had started to smell smoke until around 12:15 a.m. 

Page 1 of the FBI’s summary of the fire marshal’s interview; click on image for a closer view.
Page 2 of the FBI’s summary of the fire marshal’s interview; click on image for a closer view.

On page one of his remarks to his FBI interviewer, the fire marshal said that the origin of the fire was “somewhere in the immediate vicinity of upright columns A17 and A20 on the sixth floor of the building.” But on the second page of his remarks, he’d said something different. He said that “based on his survey in the A17 to A20 column area, he believed that the fire had begun in this vicinity approximately 75 to 100 feet from the south windows in a northerly direction,” which is more centrally located. From where he was standing, he couldn’t tell which columns were in the fire’s hottest region, so he was using columns A17 and A20 to demarcate the east-west boundaries and picturing two imaginary lines running north from those columns to guesstimate the general region. While that’s very helpful, imagine how much more helpful his description would have been if only there’d been an accompanying diagram. 

Well, we’re in luck!

Thanks to Bill, I can now provide a floor plan of the 6th floor of the NPRC. The letters A-N run from south to north and the numbers 1-33 run from west to east. Therefore, the A columns are closest to the south windows, which makes sense, since that’s where the fire marshal had been standing.

Click on image for closer view. Note that I combined partial images on two pages to get the one graphic. It’s not perfect, but you can at least see the numbers (top) and letters (right) that were used to identify specific columns. Also, you can see the vault at the center top of the schematic.

I’m also providing a map with the area of greatest heat generated marked off. Note that the area is to the immediate south and east of the vault area, and marked off by columns F to H from south to north and 18 to 23 from east to west, which is very close to what the fire marshal had guesstimated on page 2 of his interview.

Click on image for a closer view. This drawing is cut off and is much more difficult to read. However, you can see the “Area of Heaviest Burn,” which is to the immediate southeast of the vault.

What I find especially interesting is that the origin of the fire wasn’t along the south windows, which was where the smoke had been billowing from, and which was also the most likely place in which someone would go to smoke a cigarette, be it tobacco or marijuana. It’s also a different location than what the fire marshal had ostensibly said on page one of his remarks, when he said (again, ostensibly) it was in the “immediate vicinity” of columns A17 to A20. However, the area of heaviest burn corresponds perfectly with the fire marshal’s description of the fire’s origin on page two of his remarks, and those remarks also align with the comments of the firefighters who had the most direct knowledge of the fire’s intensity. Nevertheless, GSA officials chose to ignore the comments of the firefighters as well as the fire marshal when they issued their September 1973 report. The report said “the exact point of origin of the fire cannot be established,” however the writers ventured a guess anyway. Their guess was that it had started in the southeast corner of the building based on comments from six individuals who’d been watching the fire during its “early stages from the south side of the building.”

I also find it fascinating how BT said in his confession that he was standing “at the end of the files near the south end of the building” [bold added]. He continued, “I can’t recall the exact column number, but it was somewhere in the middle of the building, more to the west than the east.” So even if BT was smoking on the 6th floor, and I don’t believe for a minute that he was, he wasn’t doing it where the fire marshal had pinpointed the location of the fire’s origin. And while we’re at it, why are we reading an FBI special agent’s notes from an interview with the fire marshal instead of the fire marshal’s actual report?

Something tells me that the FBI thinks it’s just better to take their word for it. 

What did the FBI investigators really find out?

Oh, who the heck really knows? But let’s all keep this in mind: the FBI—ostensibly the most savvy bunch of investigators found anywhere in the world—considered Terry Davis’ even-handed remarks to be THE strongest piece of evidence implicating BT in setting the fire, even over BT’s signed confession, even despite all the discrepancies in BT’s story. 

This tells me that either the FBI back then wasn’t as good at conducting investigations as they’d been leading people to believe, or maybe they didn’t care who they pinned it on, as long as they pinned it on someone, and this particular someone seemed the easiest. 

So what’s holding firm from your original theory?

I’m not sure how to say this, and I mean it in the nicest possible way, but, you guys? I don’t really trust the FBI. What with their A.M.s instead of P.M.s, their “southwests” instead of “northwests,” and their deafening silence regarding the vault, not to mention all of the other weirdnesses in these documents, I honestly don’t know what to believe.

What’s more, based on Bill’s account and the fire marshal’s description of where the fire had originated, and the sheer size of the building, I don’t even know where Terry ran—and he was definitely running, not walking—when he went to the sixth floor. Remember that the building was over two football fields long from west to east and almost one football field wide from north to south. According to Terry’s statement from his July interview, he “walked” to the south windows and then walked east along the south wall and that’s when he turned around. That only makes sense if he entered the file area from the southwest, which he did not do. Do you know how impossible it would have been for him to make it to the south wall from the northwest corner of the building in the amount of time he had? Bill was barely a minute behind him and Terry was already exiting the main hallway through the double doors.

I guess what I’m trying to say is that, not only is it important to take what’s been written by the various FBI agents with a grain of salt, I’d suggest reading these documents while sitting in a salt cave in the general vicinity of the Great Salt Lake while drinking margueritas with, you guessed it, your trusty shaker of salt at the ready. I believe that FBI agents doctored documents to support their claims about who caused the fire, framing someone whom they knew didn’t do it to the point where they coerced him to sign a false confession. Then, they had the chutzpah to provide their extraordinarily false and doctored evidence to a U.S. attorney to take before a federal grand jury. Thankfully, they were unsuccessful in getting an indictment.

Photo by Tim Hüfner on Unsplash; this is a big pile of salt from Mallorca, Spain, where Flor de sal is produced. When reading FBI documents on the NPRC fire, you may wish to do it from this location, if possible.

I cannot say with confidence that the FBI blamed the fire on BT because of overt racism, since BT was telling people that he’d done it. He was an easy scapegoat. I also don’t know why the FBI felt the need for the cover-up. In my first write-up, I suggested that an FBI agent may have been the source of the culprit cigarette. Now, I think this case has become a whole lot larger than that, which is likely why any serious researcher or reporter who has waded into it seems to not want to investigate any further.

And that brings us back to Terry Davis and his suicide note, which continues to be 100 percent on point. As Terry asked, and I dismally echo: “Where is truth? Where is love? Where is anything that is real?”

***********

If you are having thoughts of suicide, dial 988 for the Suicide and Crisis Prevention Hotline.

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ADDENDUM

In his February 6, 1975, memo, Warren Griffin said that he had assembled “descriptive listings” of all the Top Secret documents that he’d incinerated. I’ve submitted a FOIA request to the GSA for those descriptive listings.

I have also submitted a FOIA request to the National Archives seeking the Standard Form 115 that authorized Mr. Griffin to destroy the 2,470 cubic feet of Top Secret Air Force R&D documents.

I have also contacted the Community Fire Protection District in St. Louis seeking the official report from the fire marshal at that time, James J. Kennedy. The current fire marshal told me that he’d let me know if he found it, although he wasn’t optimistic due to the amount of time that had transpired. Still no word.

I don’t intend to follow this story to the end since I need to concentrate on Ron Tammen, but I will post any additional documents I receive for anyone who’s interested. If you happen to be a credentialed investigative reporter and wish to pursue this story (and I mean truly pursue it, Woodward-and-Bernstein-style), feel free to contact me by way of the menu at the top of the page. I have additional information that I’ll be happy to provide that would serve as a good starting point. And you’re going to want to talk to Bill. Trust me. There’s a story here. 

*****

QUICKIE UPDATE (3/26/2024): I now have the fire marshal’s report from the 1973 NPRC fire, and there’s something very, very wrong with it

As I mentioned in the addendum, I’d submitted a public records request to the Community Fire Protection District, in Overland, MO, seeking the fire marshal’s report from that fire. The fire marshal at the time was a man named James Kennedy, who was also the assistant fire chief.

Here ya go!

So…..whadya think? If you’re like our friend Bill Elmore and me, you’re thinking:

Because, you guys, let’s all think about what it would have been like to have been the fire marshal on that date and in that particular fire district. This was in all probability the BIGGEST FIRE he’d ever investigated in his entire career. This fire could have been his shining moment—the pinnacle of his career. And how did he choose to document his once-in-a-lifetime, career-defining fire? He typed up a cover sheet and a two-page narrative, double-spaced no less, that discusses things like pumpers and aerials but that completely avoids any discussion of the cause or origin of the fire, even though that’s one of the primary responsibilities of his position. I don’t want to brag or anything, but I’ve written WAY more about the origin and possible cause of that fire than James Kennedy did.

When I compared Kennedy’s August 9, 1973, report with the interview notes that the FBI special agent had written summarizing their discussion on July 17, 1973, I found some interesting discrepancies. Three of the most prominent ones are:

  • In the July 17 interview, he talked about standing outside the south windows of the building and eyeballing the region of most intense heat. He talked about how the origin of the fire was in an area between columns A17 and A20, about 75 feet to 100 feet north of the south windows. He described a progression of remains from the area of greatest heat intensity and moving southward, beginning with no ash, to “powdered white ash to heavier gray ash to charred chunks of files to a point near the south windows where the files are approximately 75% intact with only the edges being burned.” But in his August 9 report, written a little over 3 weeks later, he decided to leave out all of those helpful details. How come?
  • The FBI’s report, released July 30, 1973, has the following subject head, in all caps: “DESTRUCTION OF GOVERNMENT PROPERTY – POSSIBLE ARSON.” It’s the fire marshal’s responsibility to conduct arson investigations, yet that word isn’t included anywhere in his report. Why not?
  • He never mentions the vault.

Even though Kennedy doesn’t discuss the fire’s origin outright, he does give one additional clue that he hadn’t given in the July 17 interview. He said that the heat was so intense that the masks “began to collapse on the faces of firefighters” when they opened the door to the “corridor.” He’s of course referring to the double doors leading to the main hallway, in the northwest corner of the building. I believe this stray comment supplies additional evidence that the origin of the fire was farther north, not near the south windows, which was where BT’s so-called signed confession claimed he was standing when he put out his cigarette.

As it so happens, on July 13, 1973, another fire marshal, this one representing St. Louis County, is quoted in a news article saying that he was often asked to assist fire districts with determining the cause of a fire. Had Kennedy sought his assistance too? If so, what might he have had to say about the cause and origin of the fire? I don’t know, but in hopes of arriving at an answer, I’ve submitted a public records request to St. Louis County for Fire Marshal James E. Huntinghaus’ investigation. I’ll keep you posted.

ANOTHER QUICKIE UPDATE — 3/28/2024

I’ve already heard back from St. Louis County, MO, concerning my public records request, and they let me know that A) they don’t have a report from Fire Marshal James E. Huntinghaus from the 1973 NPRC fire, and B) the Community Fire Protection District was indeed the lead department in the fire. Therefore, it was Fire Marshal James Kennedy who was standing outside the south windows and counting columns; it was James Kennedy who was eyeballing the origin of the fire based on the region of greatest heat intensity; it was James Kennedy who’d sat down with the FBI on July 17, 1973, and told them about his investigation findings; and it was James Kennedy who, for whatever reason, submitted a watered-down report 3 weeks later, on August 9, 1973. Good to know.

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Bill’s Statement

On January 13, 1972, I was notified that my enlistment in the United States Air Force was ending on January 14, 1972, as I was being given an unexpected early out Hardship Discharge based on my father’s paralysis from a fall.  I returned home to St. Louis a year early and initially moved into my parents’ basement to better assist them. Within 30 days, I returned to my previous factory job and endured a series of lay-offs at the downsizing DOD contractor. 

In May 1972, the Missouri Job Service called me about a Career Conditional Veterans Readjustment Appointment (VRA) position available as a GSA GS1 janitor at the National Personnel (Military) Records Center (NPRC) located just 2 miles from my parents’ home in Overland, Missouri. One requirement of the VRA position was that I also attend college full time in addition to working full time at NPRC, 4 pm to 12:30 am, each night.  After I was referred to the NPRC, I was interviewed, given a physical, and hired beginning June 1972. When I reported to NPRC for my first night’s work, I was assigned to clean 1/2 of the office space (approximately 27,000 square feet) on the northeast side of the 6th, or top, floor of NPRC at 9700 Page Blvd. in Overland, Mo.

There were 3 types of workers who made up the 30 to 40 janitors who worked nights at NPRC. Approximately 12 were recently discharged veterans (all VRA appointments like me), approximately 10 or 15 were older black gentlemen that worked as immediate, middle, and top supervisors of the custodial work force, and approximately a dozen were physically or otherwise challenged individuals. On my 266,000 square foot 6th floor, approximately 1/5th was walled off office space where file clerks worked through thousands of individual military records each day. My office space was separated by a central hallway and concrete block wall from the giant open files area where individual DOD military records were kept in cardboard (201) file folders, packed tightly in cardboard boxes, and stored on metal shelving stacked from the floor to the ceiling.  The back (or southern) 729-foot-long wall of the files area also contained windows and numerous large exhaust fans. Off the main hallway and jutting into the 200+ foot deep file area were three elevators, stairwells, two industrial-sized bathrooms, a storage room full of toilet paper and hand towels in boxes, and a singular vault with a small office and desk that was unmanned at night, with the bank vault-like door always closed and locked. 

There were three janitors who worked on the 6th floor: me, another VRA janitor who cleaned the bathrooms and hallways, and a younger woman who cleaned the northwest section of the north side offices that ran the full width of the building. Later, each floor of the NPRC was described by one of the firemen fighting the 1973 fire as being the size of five football fields. The total NPRC floor space was more than the total floor space of the Empire State Building in NY City, and while the NPRC was air-conditioned, the central air conditioning was turned off each night at 5PM.  

July in St. Louis is famously hot and humid, and 6, my floor, was the hottest.

The NPRC Fire started/was discovered on July 12 and was (sort of) finally put out on July 16, 1973. More than 50 million gallons of water were used fighting the fire. Forty-two fire departments were involved, and 381 firemen fought the fire. FBI Arson Investigators were flown in from DC on July 12. GSA (who managed the building) created their own special investigative committee. The future National Archivist of the USA issued their own investigative report. The national Army Reserve Personnel Command occupied much of the building, and the FBI, the OPM (Office of Personnel Management), and numerous other federal agencies had offices in NPRC.  More than 2,000 federal employees worked in NPRC.   

July 11, 1973, was a typical hot and humid St. Louis summer day, and after attending my classes at the community college, I reported to work at NPRC for my usual 4 pm to 12:30 am night shift.  That night (July 11), in addition to the usual three janitors who worked on 6, we also had a “wax crew” made up of a career janitor and 2 or 3 high school students who were mopping and waxing the main hallway and the offices on 6 that night.  Because of the hot night and the wax crew working on 6, at about 10:30 pm, and after cleaning my area, I went down to the fourth floor to fellow VRA janitor Terry Davis’ area, as his offices were the only ones I knew that had window AC units that were kept on.  At approximately midnight, Terry and I left his area and took our trash carts down to the basement at the northeastern end of the first floor to empty our trash, put our carts away, and then we walked through the main hallway to the northwestern section on the 2nd floor where the main entrance to NPRC was located, locked at night, and guarded. All janitors were required to sign out at 12:30 AM each night as witnessed by the guards at their station.

At approximately 12:11 AM (July 12, 1973), Terry and I were standing chatting with other janitors inside the 2nd set of interior glass doors at the main entrance next to a stairwell door that was across from the guard station waiting for 12:30 AM to sign out.  As I was looking out through the double set of glass doors toward the western parking lot, I saw a motorcycle pull up and a guy in brown leathers (who had left work at Carter Carburetor at 12:07 am in neighboring Olivette) get off his bike and run up the 8 or 10 stairs to the (2nd) set of exterior glass doors that were locked.  While he was trying to open the exterior doors, one of the guards pushed through the interior set of doors, went to the exterior doors and I heard the motorcycle guy tell the guard that the south (back) wall of the 5th floor was on fire.  The Guard then went outside, went to the southwest part of the NPRC grounds to look, then returned to his guard station and called the local fire department to report the fire. At about 12:16 AM, Terry and I were still standing at the 2nd floor stairwell entrance and suddenly, Terry opened the door and ran up the stairs towards 6. Perhaps a minute later, I followed Terry up that same stairwell as I knew where the fire stand hose was. I remember thinking, if the fire was on 6, it was going to be my job the next night to clean it up, so I was intent on getting the fire hose to put the fire out.  Before I ran up those stairs, I went over to the guards and informed them that the 5th floor southern wall exhaust fans had been on, and that those running fans might be feeding air to the fire. I then ran up the stairwell stairs and when I got to 6, I began opening the door to the lobby next to the freight elevator and across from the escalator with the intent of getting the rolled-up fire hose off the wall that faced the escalator and go fight the fire.  As I began to step out into the lobby between the elevator and escalator, I saw Terry running back toward the double doors that separated the lobby (with the hose) from the main hallway on 6 that bordered the files area on the right and the offices wall on the left.  In addition to seeing the scared look on Terry’s face, I noticed he was running back toward that same stairwell door I was just opening, AND there was a wall, floor to ceiling, of thick, mostly grey smoke chasing him, and moving faster than he could run. I pushed the door open and turned around and ran back down the stairwell to the 2nd floor as I knew I could not get the hose and go fight the fire as the smoke was too thick, dangerous, and dense.  

Meanwhile, at 16 minutes and 15 seconds after midnight, the North Central County Fire Alarm System received a call from the Olivette Fire Department reporting the fire at the Records Center, and 20 seconds later, North Central received a call directly from the guard at NPRC reporting the fire on 6.  When I got back down to 2, and while standing at the interior set of glass doors, I began smelling smoke, then at 20 minutes and 35 seconds after midnight, the first fire trucks and men arrived at that western entrance to NPRC.  Of note, initially the guards at the entrance desk did not let the fire men in as they (the guards) were still trying to call GSA Regional managers in Kansas City to wake them up and get permission to let the firemen in.  Given that I was smelling smoke on 2 by then, I pushed through the first (interior) set of glass doors and then I pushed open the exterior 2nd set of glass doors as I personally let the first firemen in.  Those same firemen then went up the escalator to the 4th floor, then to the 5th floor and they reported heavy smoke but no heat or fire.  Then, the firemen went to the 6th floor (at 12:25 am) where they connected their hose to the pipe stand in the lobby and tried to used it for 10 to 20 seconds but because of the extreme heat, their water was vaporizing before ever reaching the flames, and the heat was so intense that they reported it was melting their fireman’s masks on their faces and that their black rubber coats were turning white. This caused them to retreat back to the 5th floor.  By 4:54am on July 12, the Deputy Fire Chief on site ordered all the firemen down and out of the building on the double, as he feared the structural integrity of the building was at risk.  

At 12:30 am, after we janitors were allowed to sign out, a few of us walked back to the southwest grounds (the grounds at NPRC totaled 70 acres) and we sat on the grass to watch the firemen fight the fire.  I remember looking up at that 6th floor southern exterior wall and noting to myself that the flames at that time were steadily burning about 20 to 30 feet wide and that flames were flickering another 20 or 30 feet on each side of the main fire in about the middle of that 729-foot-long back wall of windows, concrete blocks, and fans. 

What I thought then and what I still think to this day—and yes, I do understand that I am no fire expert—however, as an eye witness, neither I, nor anyone else I know who worked in the building that night, believe that a simple cigarette or a match, or an electrical short, or whatever else may have started a fire that could have caused the hundreds of feet wide and long area that contained millions of packed 201 files to be in flames so big, so quickly and so intensely without some kind of help beyond simply packed paper.  

But there has always the basic question of why?  The fire started sometime after 12:05 am, when the last VRA janitor left the 6th floor, and before 12:07 am, when the motorcycle guy first left work in Olivette and saw the flames.  He then arrived at NPRC at 12:11 am in neighboring Overland where he reported the fire to the NPRC guard.  At 12:16 am, the first fireman arrived at NPRC, and they made it all the way onto the 6th floor by 12:25 am where they were driven back.  And then at approximately 12:31 am, there I sat on the lawn and watched the fire burn at the back wall of the massive building. 

So, if the fire was not an accident, then why did the massive, perhaps largest fire in American government history occur on my watch, on my floor at the NPRC, in Overland, Missouri, where I grew up and where I went to grade school that was just one mile from that same Records Center? The fire destroyed or damaged some 16,000,000 to 18,000,000 individual veterans historical Department of Defense (DOD) 201 files, and additionally, 1694 files were destroyed or damaged in the GSA VIP/secrets vault that was located in the northern edge of the files section on the 6th floor, some 200+ feet from the south wall I watched burn.

And, how did the fire get so big, so fast?  After numerous arson investigations by the FBI experts from DC and by other organizations including GSA, including an effort by the FBI and the Federal Prosecuting Attorney to indict one of the physically challenged janitors was denied by a Federal Grand Jury of citizens in St. Louis, we still don’t know the real story, or as Terry said in his suicide note, what is truth?    

After 50-plus years of my own memories, thinking about, discussions with fellow workers, wondering and conducting my own research including hundreds of pages of FBI, GSA, fire department, and other records about the fire, its origins, and its aftermath, I, and we, still don’t know the truth!

According to eyewitnesses, the fire started between 12:05 am and 12:07 am on July 12. 

Terry and I both ran up to 6, and back down the stairwell at approximately 12:16/17am. 

Terry reported to the FBI, during their arson investigations, that approximately 2/3 of the 6th floor 729′ x 200+’ files area was filled with smoke.   

My belief is that the fire started near the middle of the files section on 6, somewhere behind or near the back of the 6th floor VIP/Secrets vault that jutted into the northern edge of the files section some two hundred feet north of the south exterior window and concrete wall with fans.  

The FBI experts from DC conducted their initial arson investigation. 

After the fire was finally extinguished (on July 16), and after the building was determined to be safe to reenter by structural engineers, all the janitors were recalled and we began working days on the cleanup of the NPRC, and we were instructed to NOT go onto the 6th floor as it was extremely dangerous.  

The entire 6th floor was later scraped off with bulldozers and cranes, removed in large metal containers, and dumped into a landfill, and the NPRC became a 5-story building.

After we (janitors) returned to work at NPRC, we were given 55-gallon wet vacs and instructed to begin sucking the 50+ million gallons of (funky) water out of the building that contained fiberglass, asbestos, Thymol, charred contents and who knows what else out of NPRC.  

One morning, I snuck up to the 6th floor to take a look at my old office area. When I did, I noticed that the safe-like door to the secrets/VIP vault (which was right across the main hall from the entrance to my office area), was standing open (I had never seen it open before), so I took a peek inside and I noticed that the back concrete block wall of the vault, that jutted back into the northern edge of the files section was collapsed into the files that had been totally destroyed by the fire.

Also of note to me was the St. Louis County fire marshal’s suggestion that for the fire to have gotten that big that fast, the fire had to smolder in the files for 8 or more hours before finally bursting into flames after midnight, something that those of us who actually worked on 6 that night, know did not happen.  There were at least six people who worked on 6th that night between 4PM and until after midnight on July 11/12, and none of us reported any smoke.  

The back wall exhaust fans were on, on 5 that night, not 6. Those fans began pulling smoke down the elevators and the escalator after midnight from the 6th floor.

So what really happened at NPRC and why?

Just a few days before I discovered fellow VRA janitor and neighbor Terry’s body, I had resigned my GSA janitor position (with its federal health insurance coverage) as I was in training to become a Respiratory Therapy tech. (RT) through my community college.  Some 3 months after the fire, I applied to St. Joseph Hospital in St. Charles, Missouri, and they hired me as an RT trainee.  Four or five days after I started my new job at the hospital, my life changed again.  On Friday night, during my 4th night on my new job, the St. Charles County Sheriff visited me at work and escorted me across the street to the Sheriff’s Office where they interviewed me about Terry’s suicide, his note, and their belief that drugs were being stolen from the hospital.  The next morning, in Champaign, Illinois, I broke my leg playing rugby against the University of Illinois and I had to quit my (new) job at the St. Charles Hospital.  I went from being a full-time college student, and full-time new employee, to becoming unemployed and laying in a hospital bed in mid-Illinois. The next week, a rugby teammate picked me up at the hospital and drove me back home from Champaign to St. Louis in his back seat.  He dropped me off at my sister’s home, as my family had moved me out of my rural rented cabin next to where Terry had lived, and I was technically now a homeless veteran with a broken leg.  Another of my rugby buddies who was also a veteran, told me about the VA Work Study student program where if approved by VA, you could be paid the federal minimum wage, tax free, for doing volunteer work with veterans for up to 250 hours a semester.  Anyway, I contacted the Veterans Affairs office at my community college and inquired, and was told there were no work study slots available on campus, BUT, that a group of veterans from seven different campuses in St. Louis had formed a Veterans Consortium, and they were starting a free walk in “Veteran Service Center” (VSC) near Overland, in an American Legion Post (Post 212), and they had some Work Study slots available if I was interested.  Since I needed income, I said yes, and that marked the beginning of what became my unexpected career.  For some 21+ years (1974-1995), the VSC helped thousands of veterans address a wide variety of their needs, aspirations and opportunities, and my work leading the VSC led to consulting work for the Carter White House, the US Department of Labor, the Veterans Administration, the FDIC, and other organizations including the Agent Orange Class Assistance Program (AOCAP).  I volunteered and served on many committees in Missouri, and in DC, including for various members of Congress.  At the end of my career, after many years of volunteer work, including helping draft legislation for Congress, I spent the final 12 years of my career working in DC as the first Associate Administrator for Veterans Business Development in government history.  In that position, it was my privilege and my authorized responsibility to initiate, design, create and implement the entrepreneurial and small business development programs, policies, and resources available today supporting America’s entrepreneurial veterans, active service members, Reserve and National Guard members and their immediate family members.

During my time working in St. Louis, and later, while working in DC as a career employee in the Senior Executive Service (SES), and witnessing the Pentagon fire from the attacks on 9/11, the NPRC fire, its inconclusive investigations, and its impacts on potentially millions of veterans and their families continued to bother me as I never believed the fire was somehow just an unexplained accident. The NPRC fire was just WAY TOO BIG, WAY TOO FAST and is still a memorable night 50+ years ago. In addition, my now lifelong work with veterans and their families informed me that perhaps the fire had deprived millions of veterans and their families their opportunity to know their families’ true history of military service and/or that the fire had somehow deprived millions of veterans their chance for a fair and accurate adjudication decision from the US Department of Veterans Affairs because the veterans’ DOD military records no longer existed, weren’t complete, or were only partially reconstructed by the National Archives or the VA from alternative sources that often lacked the necessary details or proof. 

Because of my interest in historical research, I frequently visited the SBA history library, the National Archives, and the Library of Congress. One day, while reading a book that included information about the Watergate scandal from 1971, 1972, and 1973, I noticed that the now famous, but then secret Nixon White House Taping system that led to the resignation of the President of the United States of America (POTUS in DC talk) was last used on Thursday, July 12, 1973, the very same day the NPRC fire (was?) started in St. Louis, and one day before it was revealed to investigators of the Senate Watergate Committee.

Let me be clear, I DO NOT KNOW if the Nixon Administration and its infamous “Dirty Tricks” campaign was somehow responsible for the infamous NPRC fire in 1973. But I can tell you that given my reading of now many books on the Watergate investigation, coupled with my 50-year interest in the 1973 NPRC fire itself, I can’t help but wonder.

Now we all know that what is referred to as the “Watergate” scandal was and is a huge and complex historical political story that includes Cuban/CIA Bay of Pigs veterans“Plumber” veterans’  multiple break-ins; the CIA itself; FBI investigations and firings; Committees of both Houses of our Congress; and officials operating at the highest levels of the White House and Nixon administration. It involved the political use of the IRS; hush money donations; and investigations of antiwar organizations including the Vietnam Veterans Against the War. There was the White House Huston Plan; the G. Gordon Liddy/White House Gemstone Plan; the plan to discredit Daniel Ellsberg, leaker of the Pentagon Papers, by burglarizing his psychiatrist’s office; and the proposed plan to firebomb the DC-based Brookings Institution. There were numerous wiretaps, myriad government leaks, frequent undercover investigations of civil rights leaders and groups, the incalculable destruction of government records, etc. etc. etc.

We know that the NPRC fire was massive, that arson was suspected and never proven, that the fire was responsible, at least partially, for one death, that some 16,000,000 to 18,000,000 veterans’ records were destroyed or damaged and thousands of those records are still being reconstructed to this day by the National Archives and Records Administration. We don’t know how many claims have been denied by the VA for now 50+ years based on damaged, destroyed, or unfindable individuals’ military records.  

We know that the Adjutant General Center in Washington, DC, created a Master Survey of United States Army Records held in Federal Records in May 1978, a survey that began in 1976, and that includes a report on the examination of holdings and findings in the National Personnel Records Center in St. Louis, Missouri. Included with those holdings were 553,000 cubic feet of US Army retired records. In addition, 5400 linear feet of this collection were security classified. The report states that a large percentage of this material is TOP SECRET, and that “originally, these holdings were stored in the 6th floor vault of the National Personnel Records Center.” 

We were informed by an Associated Press article in July 2023 that “there is no definitive list of what was inside the (6th floor) vault in 1973,” even though Warren Griffin said in his February 1975 memo that he’d assembled “descriptive listings” of the incinerated records.

We also know that some records were removed from the 6th floor VIP/Secrets Vault after the fire was finally put out and those records were taken to the local public gas utility under guard and then more records were destroyed in 1975 in the public utilities incinerator. Huh?

We also understand that 2 unidentified gentlemen entered the NPRC at the eastern (or back) entrance at about 11:45 pm on July 11, 1973? 

Anyway, given the huge unexplained NPRC fire, the huge Watergate scandal, and the investigations that reached no conclusions, I have many unresolved questions. I applaud the ongoing heroic work still being performed by NARA staff daily on partially burned records that represent the lost heritage of millions of veterans’ families, etc.

I guess for me, in closing, if anyone out there ever finds the real answer to what really happened that night in St. Louis over a half century ago and you can prove it, please let me know as I too would like to find the truth in what happened that night so many years ago. 

–Bill Elmore, March 2024

Louis Jolyon West’s relatively rocky start with the CIA: How a ‘talkative,’ ‘unconventional’ ‘champion of the underdog’ became the face of MKULTRA

At some point in our lives, all of us has learned the valuable lesson that…pardon my French…💩 happens. By this, I mean that not everything is going to go exactly as planned. Sometimes, there’ll be the occasional hiccup, even though no one is really at fault. 

As a matter of fact, 💩 happened to me very recently. That’s not surprising for someone who spends a lot of their time doing what I do. But you know what? As all-powerful as the CIA has been throughout its history, sometimes 💩 happens to the CIA too. That’ll play a part in the story that I’ll be sharing with you today.  

Let’s do this the fun way…Q&A. The floor is now open. 

What was the bad thing that happened to you recently?

You know my Labor Day post on Facebook? The one where I was discussing a memo that I felt was describing Louis Jolyon West to a “T”? (I still feel that’s the case, by the way.) In my post, I made the bold claim that the number at the top of the memo—A/B, 5, 44/14—was an important clue, and that any document with a similar alphanumeric pattern and a number 44 in the second-to-last position would have something to do with Jolly West. Not only that, but I felt that two memos within that classification were probably describing St. Clair Switzer. Unfortunately, I came to realize later on that I’d gotten some details in my theory wrong, including the part about Switzer. 

Of course, I felt horrible because I really hate to say wrong things and mislead you all. But then, after doing a lot more digging, I’ve come to believe that I wasn’t that far off the mark. Yes, some things I got wrong, but I also feel confident that I got a number of things right. So I’m feeling a lot better now.

Here’s a copy of the memo, which was written on April 16, 1954, by the CIA’s Technical Branch chief, Morse Allen, to the chief of the CIA’s Security Research Staff. Paragraph 2 is what convinced me that he was referring to West.

The April 16, 1954 memo which shows its A/B classification number. Note that the CIA sometimes used Roman numerals and sometimes they separated the last two numbers by a slash instead of a comma. For consistency, I’ve chosen to use Arabic numerals and a slash between the last two numbers. Click on image for a closer view, thanks to theBlackVault.com.

Why are you so sure that April 16, 1954, memo is describing Jolly West?

I’d like to answer your question a little bit now, and a little more later. Based on documents that I found in UCLA’s Archives, West had become disenchanted with his position at Lackland Air Force Base (AFB) not too long after his arrival in July 1952. Back then, he was a 20-something hot-shot psychiatrist and hypnosis researcher who’d performed his residency training in psychiatry at Cornell University’s Payne Whitney Clinic in NYC. West viewed his time at Cornell with fondness, and he’d thought that he might like to return there one day as a faculty member. However, because the Air Force had made it financially possible for him to take his residency training in psychiatry, he was obligated to serve four years at the hospital on base.

In July 1953, when a neurologist who West didn’t seem to care for at Lackland was promoted to supervisor over both the neurology and psychiatry programs, West felt as if his wings had been clipped. He also worried that this development would jeopardize the plans he was cooking up with Sidney Gottlieb in regard to hypnosis and drug research under CIA’s Artichoke program. The last thing he needed was someone looking over his shoulder, especially when that someone wasn’t a believer in the use of hypnosis on patients.

Fast forward to April 1954, when Jolly was being courted by the University of Oklahoma for the position of professor and head of the Department of Psychiatry, Neurology, and Behavioral Sciences. Five days after Morse Allen had written his memo to the chief of the Security Research Staff, the dean of the University of Oklahoma’s School of Medicine wrote to Surgeon General Harry G. Armstrong, asking him to please relieve Jolly West of his duties with the Air Force so they could hire him. Armstrong wasn’t too keen on the idea at first, but by the end of September, under a new surgeon general named Dan Ogle, Jolly was permitted to begin his transition to the University of Oklahoma. It took some fancy finagling by an Agency representative named Major Hughes (I think it was a pseudonym used by Sidney Gottlieb) to help convince Air Force officials that this move would be in everyone’s best interest. 

Before we move on, can we talk about the letters and numbers at the top of the memo? What do you think they mean?

Many (though not all) of the MKULTRA documents have similar notations in the upper righthand corner. The A/B is consistently in the front. According to Colin A. Ross, M.D., a psychiatrist, author, and MKULTRA expert, the A/B stands for Artichoke/Bluebird. After the A/B is a number between 1 and 7, which is sometimes written as a Roman numeral. This number represents a grouping of like files. Although I’m not sure about the meaning of the other numbers, the number 5 appears to represent consultants of some sort. The second-to-last number—in this case, 44—is unique to a person or group of people who seem to be linked somehow. The last number is the number assigned to each document within the category. In 44’s case, the last number runs from 1 to 17, with a couple numbers (9 and 11) being skipped over, probably because the CIA decided we shouldn’t see them. One thing I’ve noticed is that the last numbers weren’t assigned in chronological order. Some seem to run in reverse chronological order. This makes me think that they were numbered by someone after MKULTRA became public in 1977.

This question is a two-parter: What was your hypothesis when you wrote your Facebook post on Labor Day and how has that changed?

It has to do with document A/B, 5, 44/1 (aka # 146319), which has the title “RESEARCH PLAN” typed in all caps at the top of the first page. The document describes a research project in which a team of researchers plans to study a demographic group referred to as criminal sexual psychopaths who were being hospitalized in the same facility. The point of the research was to use narco-analysis (psychoanalysis with the assistance of drugs) and hypnosis to see if the patients would admit to actions that they denied but that were documented through police reports and other records. In other words, they wanted to see if they could get people who made a practice of being deceptive to admit the truth.

What I initially thought

First of all, I knew that Jolly West was named in the January 14, 1953, memo as being part of the “well-balanced interrogation research center.” I also knew that Jolly West had written articles on the topic of homosexuality in the Air Force, and had studied airmen who were gay or who were accused of being gay at Lackland AFB from 1952 through 1956. Because it was the 1950s, I’d thought that perhaps it was an archaic term for gay individuals who’d been incarcerated, but I was mistaken. The term “criminal sexual psychopath” generally was used to describe people who’d committed sexual crimes against children and, what’s more, it wasn’t a term that was used universally back then. Canada used it as did the states of Indiana and Michigan. There may have been others, but I wasn’t seeing it in use in Texas or in the military. 

I later learned through old news accounts that the study on criminal sexual psychopaths was conducted by Alan Canty, Sr., a psychologist and executive director of the Recorder’s Court Psychopathic Clinic in Detroit, whose work included the analysis and placement of individuals whose cases had gone through the Wayne County criminal justice system. The selected location for the CIA’s project was Ionia State Hospital, in Ionia, Michigan, where 142 individuals labeled as criminal sexual psychopaths had been residing at that time. 

What I think now

Because references to Jolly West can be found in documents occupying the same “44” category as the researchers from Michigan, and because the researchers were receiving assistance from at least one outside consultant, my current hypothesis is that West had been providing guidance to them on occasion. Sidney Gottlieb signed off on the Ionia State Hospital project, listed as MKULTRA Subproject 39, on December 9, 1954. By that date, Jolly was spending roughly one week out of every month in his newly acquired academic role in Oklahoma City.

By the by? I still have my suspicions regarding whether Jolly may have been conducting his own studies on gay airmen stationed at Lackland AFB. In 1953, Air Force Regulation (AFR) 35-66 mandated that homosexuals were not permitted in the Air Force. If someone was caught in the act or if someone reported their suspicions to the authorities, that person would be subjected to a lengthy investigation, a portion of which included a psychiatric examination, which is when Jolly West would enter the picture. What’s more, during the investigative period, these men were placed on “casual status,” and relocated to a special barracks to await the results of their respective investigations and final rulings, a process which could take months. Somehow, I can’t imagine West walking by the special barracks and not thinking that these men sequestered together with little else to do would make good test subjects in the detection of deception.

Now that we know what the criminal sexual psychopath study was about, can I address the rest of the question that you’d asked earlier about how I’m sure that the April 1954 memo is referring to Jolly West?

Yeah, sure. Why else do you think the April 1954 memo is referring to Jolly West?

I’ve researched the primary participants in the criminal sexual psychopath study, and everyone was steadfastly employed in their positions in April 1954. Ostensibly, no one was looking for work elsewhere as evidenced by the fact that no one left. In addition, a psychiatrist and an anesthesiologist from the University of Minnesota whom I suspected had offered guidance to the Michiganders were happy in their jobs as well. To the best of my knowledge, no one directly or peripherally tied to that project was being considered for another job in April 1954. Only Louis Jolyon West.

Interesting. I noticed that you said there were ‘references’—plural—to Jolly West in documents occupying the same ‘44’ category as the researchers from Michigan. Where else have you found a reference to West?

Excellent catch! This is where our story gets fun…and it’s also where, as I noted earlier, the CIA was experiencing some, um, difficulty of the “💩’s a-happenin’” variety.

It all began when I was using the searchable, sortable MKULTRA index that Good Man friend and history buff Julie Miles created, and focusing heavily on the documents that were dated within the window of 1952 through 1954. I noticed that, at some point, a psychiatrist was having a tough time getting through the CIA’s clearance process. I’ve read that CIA clearance is a lengthy process that’s stricter than any of the other federal agencies, so it didn’t surprise me that it wouldn’t be easy. Fleetingly, I may have wondered who it might have been, but I didn’t get all that hung up over it.

Then I read document A/B, 5, 44/3 (#146321), dated July 24, 1953. The document is a memo from Morse Allen, chief of the Technical Branch, to the chief of the Security Research Staff, and he’s seriously worked up over the clearance issue. 

Click on image for a closer view, thanks to theBlackvault.com.
Click on image for a closer view, thanks to theBlackvault.com.

Apparently, when the CIA’s Special Security Division (SSD) was conducting its preliminary investigation into Morse’s man of interest, they discovered that another entity had conducted an investigation into that same person in mid-June 1953.

The other investigation was described as a “full field investigation,” which is an intensive background check into new government hires in which interviews are conducted with former bosses, family members, neighbors, clergy, you name it, and their comments are written up into summaries called “synopses.” Although full field investigations had been used before in the federal government, they were more notably implemented after Exec. Order 10450 was signed in April 1953. At that point, all civilian federal agencies were required to conduct full field investigations on new hires to make sure they wouldn’t be putting the nation at risk by giving information to the communists. The military required a full field investigation for Top Secret classifications. (As you may recall, the real reason behind Exec. Order 10450 was to purge the federal government of homosexuals because they claimed that they could be blackmailed.) 

So, to quickly recap: someone other than the CIA had conducted a full field investigation on Morse Allen’s man of interest and the memo which discusses the findings is labeled under the #44 category.

Moreover, this particular full field investigation had something to do with the military. I believe this is true because, over New Year’s this year, this blog site took advantage of the down time to decode what some of the letters in the margins of the MKULTRA documents mean. For example, we determined that an “A” stands for an Agency employee; a “C” stands for a contractor; and so on. (They didn’t always start with the same letter, but in those cases, they did.) In the July 24, 1953, document, the margins are filled with A’s, C’s, and H’s, the latter of which, we determined, was used for the Department of Defense or one of its military branches.

That’s extremely interesting, because none of the other people associated with the proposed research project at Ionia State Hospital had anything to do with the military. They would have needed to undergo the CIA’s clearance process, but they wouldn’t have to be subjected to a full field investigation by the military in June 1953.

There’s a lot in this memo, which we can discuss in the comments if you’d like. For now, let’s go to my favorite paragraph, which is paragraph number 5:

“You will note that these synopses indicate that REDACTED is ‘talkative,’ somewhat ‘unconventional’ and a ‘champion of the underdog’ but, according to all informants, he does not discuss classified information and can be trusted with Top Secret matters.”

That’s it. That’s the giveaway. Morse Allen is talking about Louis Jolyon West.

Wait—why is that the giveaway? Was Jolly West talkative? Unconventional? Was he a champion of the underdog? 

The answers are yes, yes, and, although you may find this surprising, yes he was. But don’t take my word for it. I have a few anecdotes to share. 

On being talkative

First, there was his nickname—Jolly West—which is an indicator of his gigantic personality that seemed to match his size 2XL frame. A 1985 Los Angeles Times article on Jolly and his wife Kathryn said: “Psychiatrist West’s nickname, Jolly, seems unlikely to casual acquaintances, for his manner is serious, attentive, concerned. But he lightens up with frequent moments of laughter, and he can convey a measure of humor even in moments of stress.” 

That was written when Jolly was a mellow 61. Imagine him when he was 28 and eager to impress his superiors and overpower his competition.

In an article that appeared in the U.K. publication The Independent after his death, a colleague of West’s, Dr. Milton H. Miller, said he was: “above all, a colourful figure, an alive person who loved to be on stage.” 

On being unconventional

This is a broad term—what does it even mean? But yes, it’s safe to say that Jolly West wasn’t your run-of-the-mill psychiatrist who’d been sent to medical school by monied parents. His father had immigrated to the United States from Ukraine, and according to The Independent, his mother taught piano lessons in Brooklyn. His family, who’d later moved to Madison, WI, struggled financially, and he had to work hard and think creatively to find his way in the world. 

“We were, in fact, quite poor,” West said in the 1985 L.A. Times article. “Some of our neighbors didn’t have jobs. Some had no books. The family across the street had no bathtub. It was strictly the wrong side of the tracks. But in our house there was an attitude of ‘Thank God, we’re in America,’ and there was always a willingness to help others.”

According to that same article, West enlisted in the Army during WWII because, as a Jewish teen, he took Hitler’s fascism personally and he wanted to fight and kill.

“I was a bloodthirsty young fellow,” he said.

Because there was a shortage of Army physicians, the Army steered Jolly West to medical school, first at the University of Iowa, and later at the University of Minnesota. As mentioned earlier, the Air Force had financially supported his residency at Cornell, which is why he was obligated to serve at Lackland AFB for four years before finally severing his military ties.

On being a champion of the underdog

This one is so fascinating, knowing what we now know about West and some of his more questionable actions during the MKULTRA years. But he truly was a believer in civil rights. 

A 2001 article on Charlton Heston in the Los Angeles Magazine said that Heston and Louis Jolyon West were best friends(!) and that in the 1950s, after Jolly had moved to the University of Oklahoma, he’d reached out to Heston, and “the two friends teamed up with a black colleague of West’s to desegregate local lunch counters.”

In 1983 and 1984, Jolly flew to South Africa to speak out against apartheid.

“Everybody makes a difference,” he said in the 1985 L.A. Times article. “You can fight city hall. You can change the world. It might not seem like much of a change at the time, but you have the power as an individual to do a great deal.”

West was also fiercely opposed to capital punishment. In 1975, he published a paper in the American Journal of Orthopsychiatry which provided one of the most strongly-worded abstracts I’ve ever read—and I’ve read a lot of them:

“Capital punishment is outdated, immoral, wasteful, cruel, brutalizing, unfair, irrevocable, useless, dangerous, and obstructive of justice. In addition, psychiatric observations reveal that it generates disease through the torture of death row; it perverts the identity of physicians from trials to prison wards to executions; and, paradoxically, it breeds more murder than it deters.”

So, yeah. I can see someone describing Jolly West with the words used in the memo. That the CIA would consider someone being characterized as a “champion of the underdog” as a knock against him kind of tells you all you need to know about the CIA of the 1950s.`

But what about the last part of paragraph 5? The part that said: “according to all informants, he does not discuss classified information and can be trusted with Top Secret matters.” Under what scenario would Jolly West come into contact with “informants”—again, plural—and be in a position to discuss classified information with them?

That line threw me too until I thought about the people West associated with when he was at Cornell. Two of the faculty members that he would have known well were Harold G. Wolff, a personal friend of Allen Dulles, and Lawrence E. Hinkle, who published a study with Wolff titled “Communist Interrogation and Indoctrination of ‘Enemies of the State’” in 1956. They were the CIA’s go-to’s in brainwashing. 

In 1955, Wolff created the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology (later referred to as the Human Ecology Fund), which supported the Ionia State Hospital study. Hinkle, who was also in a leadership role in the society, was one of the primary contacts for the study’s researchers. It’s certainly plausible that Harold Wolff, Lawrence Hinkle, and Jolly West could have discussed national secrets when Jolly was conducting hypnosis studies at Cornell. For Morse Allen to identify Hinkle and Wolff as CIA informants in July 1953 doesn’t seem like a stretch of the imagination. Not in the least.

Oh my gosh. I just thought of something.

What?

Read Paragraph 6 of the July 24, 1953, memo. Morse Allen says the following:

“In further consideration, it should be remembered that REDACTED will be dealing with close personal friends and close professional associates of his in the REDACTED ARTICHOKE work and further if he works with us his professional reputation may conceivably be greatly enhanced by successful development of our program. These elements should be weighed, of course, in the evaluation of REDACTED.”

When you consider paragraphs 5 and 6 together, Morse Allen is saying: yes, I agree, West is currently an immature idealist. But if he could be cleared according to our plan—which is at the Secret level, not even Top Secret—he’ll be in close contact with CIA-sanctioned researchers Harold Wolff and Lawrence Hinkle, which will “greatly enhance” his “professional reputation.” In other words, if Security would just clear him, Morse and his pals could mold Jolly West into the person they desire him to be. Less angry young man—more “this is the way the world works.” Because Wolff and Hinkle were closely tied to the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, and the society funded the Ionia State Hospital study, it’s conceivable that Louis Jolyon West played a role in the study too, which was good reason to have his documents marked with a “44.”

Harold G. Wolff (credit: 1957 Annual Report or the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology) Fair Use
Lawrence E. Hinkle, Jr. (credit: 1957 Annual Report of the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology) Fair Use

[You can link to the 1957 Annual Report of the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology.]

Very interesting. But how does that impact your hypothesis regarding St. Clair Switzer?

I’m happy you brought this up. You’re absolutely right—that’s why we’re here. We’re trying to understand how Ronald Tammen’s psychology professor St. Clair Switzer might have been used in Project Artichoke and, in turn, what might have happened to Ronald Tammen after he went missing from Miami University’s campus.

I haven’t budged from my belief that, in January 1953, St. Clair Switzer was mentioned in the same paragraph as Louis J. West for a “well-balanced interrogation research center.” In fact, I feel stronger about that hypothesis now more than ever. 

Let’s zoom in on the names of the Major and the Lt. Colonel in paragraph 3 of the January 14 memo. When we zoom in on the Major, we can see the letters of West’s first name—the L, the o, the u, the dotted i, and the s—even though it’s crossed out. We can see the J. We can sort of see the West. It’s him. Also, we know that Sidney Gottlieb was having conversations with West about a hypnosis and drug research center in June and early July 1953—roughly the time when the CIA’s Security office was conducting its preliminary investigation into the person who was talkative and unconventional.

The Lt. Colonel’s name is harder to see, but I definitely see a capital S. Without a doubt. I happen to see a w and a z as well. (Oh, who am I kidding? I see all the letters.) And I’ll be honest—I haven’t come across very many lieutenant colonels in the Air Force in 1953 with last names that began with S that were also hypnosis experts. In fact, I only know of one. (Switzer.) We’re still waiting on our Mandatory Declassification Review to see if we can finally remove the redactions and put that question to rest.

But there’s more. Do you recall how, at first, the Air Force Surgeon General’s Office wasn’t entirely on board with having the CIA using one of its bases as a testing ground for hypnosis and drugs? A memo dated September 23, 1952, was focused upon two individuals who were under consideration for the endeavor. Person A, a U.S. commander, had “nothing to contribute in the line of research.” (See paragraph 2.) 

Click on image for a closer view, thanks to theBlackvault.com.

As for Person B, a CIA rep said they were “inclined to go easy on him from a security standpoint, because of his propensity to talk.” (See paragraph 3.)

In paragraph 4, a colonel in the Surgeon General’s Office was speaking of Person A (I believe) when he said that “he thinks very highly of REDACTED, and that it will be essential to keep him cut into the picture.” The words “air research” were handwritten above the essential person’s blackened name.

In a former blog post, I argued that Person A, the one whom the colonel thought very highly of, was likely St. Clair Switzer, since he’d recently spent a summer working for the Air Research and Development Command, and he and the surgeon general had a connection with Wright Patterson AFB. Perhaps Switzer’s name was being floated as a liaison between the interrogation research center at Lackland AFB and the Office of the Surgeon General.

Today, I’m adding to that hypothesis. I’d suggest that Person B, who had the “propensity to talk,” was Jolly West. Perhaps the Office of the Surgeon General thought West a wee bit too chatty, and St. Clair Switzer—quiet, conventional, obsequious to the powerful—was brought in to appease the brass. 

OK! I think that’s all for today. Questions? Concerns?

**********************

To demonstrate how well Jolly West knew the guys at Cornell, he’s written Dr. Harold G. Wolff’s name as a character reference on a form he’d filled out on November 4, 1955. (I don’t know the purpose of the form.) Wolff’s name is directly below West’s adviser at Cornell, Dr. Oskar Diethelm.

When Doc met Jolly: the sequel

I think it’s time we elaborated a little on our theory about St. Clair (Doc) Switzer and famed MKULTRA researcher Louis Jolyon (Jolly) West. For a while now, I’ve been frantically waving a document in everyone’s faces from January 1953, and using it as evidence that the two men must have known each other and even worked together in some capacity.  

So…THEN what, right?

Right. This blog post is all about what happened to Doc and Jolly AFTER the January 14th memo. Admittedly, it mostly has to do with Jolly, but, based on events that came to pass in his career, we can deduce how Doc was affected as well. 

But first, let’s have a little recap.

Our running theory 

In September 1952, the CIA was rounding up experts to conduct research for Project Artichoke. One of the locations at the top of their list was an Air Force Base—Lackland AFB, to be exact, in San Antonio. The reason they were drawn to Lackland was likely two-fold. First, it was where all incoming basic trainees were psychiatrically screened and where “questionable” Air Force officer candidates and pre-flight cadets were more fully evaluated psychiatrically. That’s a lot of baseline data concerning what was going on inside pretty much every airman’s head. 

Second, the new chief of the Psychiatric Service had arrived at Lackland AFB in July 1952—Jolly West. He had just completed his residency at the Payne Whitney Clinic in New York City, which was part of Cornell University Medical College. As it so happens, people in the Payne Whitney Clinic were friends with people in the CIA. Harold G. Wolff, an expert on headache and psychosomatic illness, was one of those people. He would go on to head the Human Ecology Fund, which funded MKULTRA-focused research, and to coauthor a 1956 comprehensive report on communist interrogation and indoctrination methods—aka brainwashing. Jolly, having developed strong skills in hypnosis while at Payne Whitney, was now in charge of the entire psychiatric division at Lackland’s 3700th USAF Hospital. If that’s not a perfect fit for Project Artichoke, I don’t know what is.

At roughly the same time in which the CIA was scrutinizing Jolly West, someone else’s name had made a little ping on their radar. That person was Miami University psychology professor Doc Switzer, who was brought to their attention by way of a memo written on March 25, 1952. Chief among Doc’s selling points were his having worked under noted psychologist and hypnosis expert Clark Hull and for his being a pharmacist before becoming a psychology professor. By September, however, the CIA was having their doubts about someone—Doc, I believe—and, despite his Artichoke-friendly credentials, they didn’t think he had much to contribute toward the research they desired. 

As it turns out, Doc could be useful in a different way. Doc was well-connected in the Air Force, whose surgeon general would have to approve whether Lackland could be a site for CIA-funded Artichoke research. Not only had Doc made a name for himself during WWII, but he was on the rolls of the Air Force Reserves, and, most recently, during the summer of 1951, he’d served in a prestigious post at the Air Research and Development Command (ARDC) in Baltimore.  

On September 23, 1952, a CIA rep had spoken with a colonel in the Air Force’s Office of the Surgeon General, and the colonel had said that the person whom the CIA was uncertain about—the person I believe to be Doc Switzer—would be “essential” to be “cut into the picture” because they thought very highly of him. Four months later, on January 14, 1953, Jolly (I’m 100% sure) and Doc (I strongly believe) are named in a memo with regards to the creation of a “well-balanced interrogation research center.”

Jolly West; Credit: Oklahoma Department of Public Welfare; Fair use.

The hot shot and his rival 

The winter of 1953 turned into the spring of 1953, with all of its happy trappings:  

the flowers were blooming… 

the birds were singing…

 the bees were buzzing… 

…and, on April 13… 

…the director of the CIA was signing a memo establishing MKULTRA, an amped-up version of Project Artichoke. 

(Due to a lack of time, we’ll forgo discussing how, six days later, a certain student from Miami University who had Doc Switzer for his psychology professor seemingly vanished from the face of the earth. We can discuss that little coinkidink another day.)

Our story picks up two months later, in the summer of 1953, when Jolly West and Sidney Gottlieb, who oversaw the CIA’s MKULTRA program, are discussing the to-be-implemented operation at Lackland AFB. Jolly couldn’t have been more gung-ho. On June 11, a 28-year-old West wrote to a 34-year-old Gottlieb a detailed letter about his short-term and long-term goals with regards to the hypnotizing of human subjects—a resource he ostensibly had an endless supply of—as part of his new project for the CIA. Among those readily available subjects were basic airmen, whom he could summon by simply telling the folks in HR to: “Send us 10 high I.Q. airmen at 0900 tomorrow,” he bragged. Other potential subjects would include volunteers who worked on the base, hospital patients, and a miscellaneous category of “others,” including prisoners in the local stockade and returning POWs.

He had the subjects. He had the know-how. He had the drive. He had the space—though he’d need to purchase some suitable new equipment. He could hire the necessary staff. 

But there was a problem, Jolly informed Sidney. The problem’s name was Robert Williams, who, by the way, should not be confused with Robert J. Williams, who oversaw Project Artichoke in the CIA’s Office of Scientific Intelligence before it was reassigned to Inspection and Security. Nope, this guy was Robert L. Williams, who was chief of Neurology at Lackland AFB. Jolly informed Sidney that, after Williams had received his certification by the American Board of Neurology and Psychiatry—with coaching from Jolly in preparation for the psychiatry portion of the exam, he pointed out—Williams started eyeing Jolly’s territory. Williams persuaded Colonel Robert S. Brua, commander of Lackland’s 3700th Medical Group, to combine the two divisions into one and to put Williams on top. 

As you can imagine, Jolly was fuming over this power grab. Here was someone Jolly described as being “several years my senior professionally although his experience in psychiatry is considerably less than mine” getting in the way of Jolly doing whatever he wanted. He’d be a giant roadblock to the hypnosis research the two men were discussing, Jolly contended. 

“This is a most unhappy turn of events from the point of view of our experiments,” he lamented. 

“Dr. Williams is extremely acquisitive and will be an uncomfortably close scrutinizer of my activities,” he said. “The fact that I am still Chief of Psychiatry doesn’t alter the fact that it is now merely a section in this new Service, and that many of my administrative and even professional decisions can be hamstrung.”

He later added: “And, most unfortunately, he is one of those conservative traditionalists who actively opposes research or treatment involving hypnosis, states that it is ‘tampering with the soul,’ and spoken out against some of my previous work; he will undoubtedly hamper my efforts in many ways.” 

Jolly had some suggestions on how to fix this unlivable situation. Going back to the old organizational structure was one possibility. Transferring Williams the heck out of San Antonio to some other base was another one. Or, geez, maybe Jolly should, you know…leave. That last option wasn’t very realistic though. Because the Air Force had foot the bill for Jolly’s medical training, he was obligated to serve there until June 1956. For him to even entertain the possibility of leaving in July of 1953 was indicative of…what…his immaturity? His arrogance? His bullheadedness? Take your pick—I can’t decide.

“The ultimate solution to the repeated occurrence of this type of situational crisis is, of course, a return to civilian status. If I were back on the staff at Cornell Medical Center where my previous research was done, there would be no problem. I could receive some funds from you disguised as a U.S. Public Health Service grant, or some such thing, gon [sic] onto a half-time research basis, and plub [sic?] away at the problem with considerable independence. This future eventuality we’ll have to discuss at a later date; meanwhile, we have the local problem to solve. If someone in the Surgeon General’s office, or the Surgeon General himself, were in on this whole complicated situation, it might make the solutions a little easier.” 

Um, I’m sorry, but has this 28-year-old never had a boss before? I mean, sure, it’s a drag that his division got usurped and all, but who among us hasn’t had something like that happen at our jobs without our feeling the need to run to our boss’s boss’s boss in hopes that they’ll fix it? Plus, some might say that Jolly could have used a little more supervision at that time, don’tya think? (Did I mention he was 28?)**

**Dear 28-year-olds: I have nothing against you. If you happen to be in this age group, that’s fantastic. It’s a super fun age to be. It’s just that, occasionally, people in your age bracket have been known to think they have all the answers when in fact they really don’t. (Not you. Other people.)

Listen to the Traveling Wilburys. They’ll tell you what I mean.

Sidney Gottlieb was undeterred by the likes of Robert L. Williams. He asked Jolly for the names and contact information of Lackland’s top brass, which were Col. Brua, Col. Cowles (who oversaw the Human Resources Research Center), and Brigadier General Steele (who commanded the entire base). Although Sidney wasn’t willing to give these men all the goods on MKULTRA just yet, he would explore obtaining Top Secret clearance for each one, just in case. He also would contact Donald Hastings, a psychiatrist at the University of Minnesota who was to collaborate with Jolly on the project. Hastings had been chief of psychiatry for the Army Air Forces during WWII, so he was much more seasoned in dealing with military brass. If anyone could arm wrestle them into acquiescence, he could probably do it without their having to bother the surgeon general over trivial workplace politics. 

Sidney closed his letter with “I feel that we have gained quite an asset in the relationship we are developing with you. We will work this thing out one way or another. It is of the greatest importance to do so.”

Less than a year later, Jolly wanted out of Lackland. Maybe he’d predicted correctly, and Robert L. Williams had rained all over Jolly’s MKULTRA plans. Or maybe it was plain old bureaucratic red tape. The laboratory where he needed to conduct his research still hadn’t been built. No matter the reason, at some point along the way, Jolly decided to look elsewhere for a job. As far as his obligation to the Air Force was concerned, he’d have to cross that bridge when he came to it.

In April 1954, he arrived at the bridge. He’d been offered the position of professor and head of the Department of Psychiatry, Neurology, and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Oklahoma, and he would now need to seek approval from the Office of the Surgeon General before he could accept the position. Of course, he’d have to do so strategically and with finesse, since he had no intention of taking no for an answer.

University officials did what they could to get the Air Force to relinquish Jolly. The dean of the medical school promised to build Jolly the laboratory he needed to conduct his “special research assignment” for the CIA and USAF, including technical assistance and equipment. The laboratory was to be called the Air Force Psychosomatic Laboratory, likely as camouflage. Best of all, he would be able to conduct his research as he saw fit, with no questions asked. Still, months went by as Jolly tried to convince the assorted colonels and generals that the Air Force would be better off with him in Oklahoma than in Texas. He proposed transferring to Tinker Air Force Base, in Oklahoma City, where he could split his time between the university and military base, but the Air Force said no. Practically speaking, there was no need for a psychiatrist of his stature there. 

Despite the string of disapprovals, the Office of the Surgeon General began coming around to see things Jolly’s way. In August 1954, they offered a compromise in which Jolly would be granted 60 days of unpaid leave per year over and above any accrued leave he had, all of which he could use to work for the university. On September 26, 1954, the university announced that Jolly West would be joining their faculty. 

After all was said and done, Brigadier General H.H. Twitchell, in the Office of the Surgeon General, let Jolly know what had gone on behind the scenes that brought about the Air Force’s change of heart.

“It seemed ill advised to establish the Air Force Psychosomatic Laboratory either at Lackland or an Air Force base in Oklahoma only to have to abandon the project upon your release from the service 20 months from now. Therefore, General Powell, Major Hughes, Major Kollar, and myself conferred to discuss the best way to get your special research project underway on a continuing basis. It was decided that the Air Force Medical Service should withdraw from the project as it now stands leaving you and Major Hughes free to organize the program within your department at the University on a contract basis with the Agency that Major Hughes represents. Major Hughes indicated that other than the slight delay involved in establishing your program at the University of Oklahoma this will not seriously interfere with the conduct of the research since the acceptance of your professorship was predicated upon the unquestioned full support of this project. Major Hughes also indicated that he would discuss the details of this matter with you in the near future.”

Hmmm. Major Hughes sure sounds as if he had a lot of sway in the matter, doesn’t he? But who was he? Brigadier General Twitchell and General Powell both worked in the Office of the Surgeon General. Major Kollar worked at Lackland AFB. But this was the first I’d ever heard of Major Hughes. 

My guess? I think Major Hughes was our friend Sidney Gottlieb. Here’s why:

  • Sidney liked to use pseudonyms. In his July 2, 1953, letter to Jolly West, he signed his name Sherman C. Grifford, a pretend person who was affiliated with the pretend organization Chemrophyl Associates. In a meeting with the military men, I can see him taking on a more suitable pseudonym for the occasion—something with a rank that was respectable, but not too high—and a last name that was a little more forgettable than Gottlieb. 
  • Major Hughes was representing an Agency—with a capital A. General Twitchell was being cautious with his wording, but there’s no question that he was referring to the CIA.
  • Major Hughes seemed to be closely tied to Jolly’s research project. In fact, the way General Twitchell described it, Major Hughes and Jolly would be working together to organize the program in Jolly’s new department.
  • The person from the CIA with whom Jolly was working most closely on this project since June 1953 was Sidney Gottlieb.
Credit: CIA; Was Sidney Gottlieb Major Hughes?

In December 1954, Jolly wrote to a friend telling him that he’d started at Oklahoma, and by January 1955, he’d submitted a proposal to the Geschickter Foundation (another CIA front organization) for MKULTRA funding. By March 1955, he’d received approval for a $20,000 grant to begin his infamous work which came to be known as Subproject 43.

That pretty much sums things up, except there may be a little more to the story. In an article for the investigative site The Intercept, authors Tom O’Neill and Dan Piepenbring brought to light a gut-wrenching story in which Jolly West played a critical role. It concerns a murder that took place near Lackland Air Force Base at around midnight July 4, 1954. The victim was a three-year-old girl named Chere Jo Horton who’d been playing in the parking lot of a tavern while her parents and brother were inside. (Helicopter parenting was definitely not a thing in the ‘50s.) A search went on, and, tragically, her lifeless body was found in the nearby gravel pit.

The man who was charged with the murder, Jimmy Shaver, had come walking up from the gravel pit before her body had been discovered, almost as if he was in a trance. His body was bloody and scratched from brambles. Chere Jo’s underwear were dangling from his car door. An Associated Press story that ran the following day said that Shaver had written in a statement that he remembered putting her in his car and driving away. His last memory was of removing her from the car, and “then I blacked out.” Shaver was employed at Lackland AFB as a drill instructor. Up until that moment, he’d been a law-abiding citizen.

According to the Waco Times-Herald, Jolly testified at Shaver’s trial that Shaver was “given over to his care two months after the crime.” During that period, Jolly had given Shaver sodium amytal which, according to the paper, “put Shaver into an hypnotic trance.” A United Press wire service story said that West had examined Shaver “under hypnosis and truth serum.”

Jolly stated to the court that Shaver had been ridiculed and abused as a child by a little girl, and when he saw Chere Jo, Shaver was mentally transported back to his childhood. He killed her—a voice in his head had told him to do it—but he thought he was killing the abusive girl, Jolly told the court. Shaver was “insane” at the time of the killing and “did not know right from wrong,” the paper quoted him as saying. 

Jimmy Shaver died from the electric chair on July 25, 1958. 

It’s a horrible, tragic story that I’ve avoided writing about for a while. Here’s why I want to discuss it now: First, this was all happening while Jolly was trying to leave Lackland AFB. At the time of Chere Jo’s murder, Jolly had already been offered the job, and he was trying to convince the Office of the Surgeon General that he’d be of more use to them in Oklahoma than in Texas. In September, during Shaver’s trial, Jolly’s name, along with the name of Lackland Air Force Base, was being splashed on newspapers across Texas, and beyond. It was precisely at this time when the Office of the Surgeon General gave the green light for Jolly to conduct his research elsewhere.

Could it be that the surgeon general decided to make the Jolly West P.R. problem go away by approving his early move to Oklahoma? They’d allow him to continue with his experiments, but just not on their turf.  

The reason I pose this question is that in Tom O’Neill’s and Dan Piepenbring’s piece, they raise the question of whether Jolly West may have actually been conducting hypnotic experiments on Shaver before the murder and perhaps even introduced false memories during his hypnosis sessions after the murder. You can read the story and see the evidence for yourself.

I’d like to focus on one detail. Jolly had said under oath that Jimmy Shaver was “given over to his care two months after the crime.” But in O’Neill’s and Piepenbring’s piece, O’Neill had actually spoken with another psychiatrist at Lackland, a man named Gilbert Rose, who’d taken part in the sessions with Jolly West and Shaver.

In 2002, he said the following:

“[Rose had] also never known how West had found out about the case right away. ‘We were involved from the first day,’ Rose recalled. ‘Jolly phoned me the morning of the murder. He initiated it.’”

If what Rose said is true, then Jolly had committed perjury when he told the court of his later involvement. Why would he say that if he didn’t have something to hide? And again, were any of the Air Force officials knowledgeable? 

There’s one last person we need to discuss, and that person is Doc Switzer. Where does Doc factor into all of this?

In our running theory, Doc was considered “essential” by the Office of the Surgeon General in September 1952. At that time, the surgeon general was Harry G. Armstrong. However, when Jolly West received the OK to move to Oklahoma in 1954, the surgeon general was Dan C. Ogle. And once West was doing his work at the University of Oklahoma, the Office of the Surgeon General had purposely written themselves out of the equation. 

I have no idea what Surgeon General Harry Armstrong wanted from Doc Switzer. Perhaps he helped keep him up to speed on things. But by the time Jolly West moved his laboratory to the University of Oklahoma, there would have been no need for his services, at least in that regard. 

To look at it another way, could it be that the perfect window of time when Doc Switzer was considered “essential” to Project Artichoke happened to coincide with the time that Ronald Tammen disappeared from Miami University?

The book project

Photo by Florian Klauer on Unsplash

Once upon a time, a person that we both know set out to write a book. 

 It started out as an idea—a random, what-if, out-there sort of idea that the person happened to think up one day, and then…as time wore on…became accustomed to. 

After all, lots of people have written books. Why not this person? This person knew some things. They had a perspective to provide. And besides, they liked to write. 

And so…outlines were drafted. Notes compiled. Words typed. Pages paginated. 

It wasn’t long before the book began to dominate the person’s thoughts and even how they were feeling on a given day. On days when they could work on the book non-stop, they’d feel satisfaction and, if things were going particularly well, exhilaration. If a day or two slid by with no progress, they’d feel frustration and guilt.

It goes without saying that the book became their go-to answer when someone asked them how they were doing. 

As the years rolled by, the topic of the book became a little embarrassing. After all, a person can only talk about the book they’re writing for so long without there being, well, an actual book to point to. 

That’s why, in 1937, I’m sure St. Clair Switzer was feeling the heat. By then, he’d been talking about his book for nearly three years with nothing to show for it.

Oh, wait. Did you think I was talking about my book? Nah…we’re talking about Doc Switzer’s book. Mine is…you know…still in the works.

Switzer had started talking about writing a book since at least September 1934, shortly after he’d earned his Ph.D. under psychologist Clark Hull. He’d already had some experience in book publishing, having assisted Hull with Hypnosis and Suggestibility: An Experimental Approach, which had been published in 1933. 

The page-turner Switzer envisioned would focus on the topic of conditioned reflexes. After all, the title of Switzer’s dissertation was “The Modifiability of the Conditioned Reactions,” and it yielded publications such as thisthis, and oh yeah this one too in scientific journals. His master’s degree had something to do with eyelids and the blinking of said eyelids upon the presentation of some sort of stimulus. So he had the requisite expertise to write about conditioning—forward conditioning, backward conditioning, all the different directions of conditioning. 

What are forward and backward conditioning, you ask? Remember Pavlov’s dogs, where a bell is rung before the dogs were given their food to the point where the ringing bell alone would cause the dogs to salivate, even if no food arrived? That’s forward conditioning. If Pavlov had used backward conditioning instead, the bell would ring after the dogs were given their dinner. Because the dogs wouldn’t associate the bell with a soon-to-arrive dinner, a ringing bell alone wouldn’t cause the dogs to salivate. It might bring about some very annoyed doggy looks though. 

Whew! Fun, huh? I’m sure there’s a lot more to the subject—there’s got to be—but I don’t think we need to dig any deeper for this blog post. (You’re welcome.)

At first, Doc thought he might like to coauthor the book with a fellow psychology professor at Miami University who’d received his Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin two years before Switzer had gone there. Hull knew that person too, but, for some reason, didn’t care for him. I know this because I’ve read letters that Hull had written to Switzer that are on file at the National Museum of Psychology, in Akron, Ohio, and some of his comments were mean and petty.

When Doc wrote to Hull in September 1934 telling him of his plans, Hull was unenthusiastic. Not about the book, mind you. Hull had nothing but encouragement for Doc’s book. He said his choice in book topics was “extremely fashionable,” and that he genuinely felt that Doc was wholly qualified to write it. He just didn’t think he should write it with the other professor, whom he viewed as Switzer’s competitor, or worse, his nemesis, who would take all the credit while doing little of the work.

“Surely you have turned out as much experimental work on conditioned reflexes as Hilgard or Razran, and I am sure you are able to write more readily and more effectively than either one of them,” said Hull.

That was quite the compliment. Agewise, Ernest (Jack) Hilgard and Gregory Razran were peers of Switzer’s (Hilgard was actually two years younger than Doc and Razran was a year older) but they were well on their way to becoming world authorities on conditioning and other psychological principles. Switzer had become friends with Hilgard during his time at Yale when Hilgard was still an instructor there, before he moved on to Stanford. Switzer had hoped to work in Hilgard’s lab at Stanford the following academic year with the assistance of a fellowship from the National Research Council. Unfortunately, in April 1934, Doc learned that the fellowship hadn’t come through. Two months later, he learned of Hilgard’s intention to write a book on conditioning. Switzer encouraged Hilgard in his letter, though, for some reason, he didn’t mention that he, too, was contemplating such a book. Who knows, maybe he was still mulling things over.

“I think you are just the man to give the subject a sane and lucid treatment,” Doc had told Jack.

It’s important to point out here that, fashionable as the topic was, in 1934, there was still plenty of room for someone to make a name for himself or herself by publishing a definitive work on conditioning. Russian psychologist Ivan Pavlov had published his landmark book, Conditioned Reflexes, relatively recently, in 1927, and Razran, who’d emigrated from Russia to live in the U.S., had published Conditioned Responses in Children in 1933. But America’s heaviest hitters still hadn’t published. You’ve heard of B.F. Skinner? His first book, The Behavior of Organisms, An Experimental Analysis, wouldn’t be published until 1938. Hilgard’s book, Conditioning and Learning, which he coauthored with another Yale guy, Donald Marquis, didn’t come out until 1940. In September 1934, Switzer had the opportunity to truly become a household name in conditioned reflex circles both domestic and abroad, and Hull was doing all he could to push him in that direction.

“I suggest that you go after that,” encouraged Hull in his letter written September 27, 1934. “Anything that we have here or that we are likely to have should be available to you, and I will undertake to use what influence I have to help you get a publisher. As a matter of fact, a book written as well as you can write one should not need any influence.”

Clark Hull was being his usual magnanimous self. Without question, if St. Clair Switzer had written his book on conditioned reflexes, Clark Hull would have helped him secure a good publisher. And if that had happened, if the book were as good as Clark Hull had predicted, then Switzer’s name might have been likened to the names of Jack Hilgard, Donald Marquis, and Gregory Razran. Maybe even Clark Hull himself.

But Switzer fretted and stewed. He didn’t want to step on anyone’s toes, certainly not Jack Hilgard’s or Donald Marquis’. Or maybe he didn’t want to compete with those two. How would it look if their book took off and his tanked?

“My dear Switzer,” Hull began in a letter written November 13, 1934—the same way that he began all his letters to Switzer. “Yesterday Marquis was in and told me that you were worrying about the propriety of your going ahead and writing your book on conditioned reflexes. He asked me if I wouldn’t write you and assure you that you should go ahead with it. As you know, I have felt all along that there was no ethical question involved in any number of people writing books on any subject at all. Surely you have as much right as anyone else to write a book on conditioned reflexes.”

He went on to say this about Marquis, who seems to be a very above-board kind of guy: “He believes, as I myself do, that while an increase in the number of books will doubtless cut down the royalties which should be received from anyone, it is a distinctly wholesome thing for the development of this branch of science that a number of good works should be published. From all indications this seems assured.”

The Marquis-Hull intervention must have worked. For the time being, Doc stuck with it.

In September 1935, Hull had this to say to Doc:

“I was under the general impression when I talked with you at Ann Arbor that you were a little despondent about the progress of your book. I am writing this letter mainly to remind you in a somewhat emphatic manner that the writing of a good book will make a tremendous difference in the possibilities of your getting into a better job without waiting for some perfectly healthy person to die off. I wonder if you get my meaning?”

Oh, Clark Hull, I believe I do get your meaning. I could be wrong, but I think Hull was referring to the professor on Miami’s faculty whom Hull didn’t like very much. I sincerely doubt that he was referring to Everett Patten, Miami’s psychology department chair and a former Hull student whom Hull did like very much. But let this be a lesson to readers: be careful what you put in writing, because it might end up in an archive somewhere and everyone may see the darker side of you. As it turns out, the person whom I believe Hull was referring to died unexpectedly of a heart attack in 1940 at a very young age.

In November 1935, Hull wrote this to Doc:

“I am very happy to know about the encouraging prospects of your book. You must set your teeth into that and stick to it until it is done. I believe that the publication of this book may do you a lot of good. After that you must get back into the laboratory, if you hope to save your scientific soul!”

He sounds, I don’t know…exasperated? Hull was probably sort of kidding around, but for him to tell Switzer that he was in danger of losing his scientific soul is harsh. I’m sure Doc cringed over that line.

And that’s it. That’s the last time Clark Hull had anything to say to Doc Switzer about his book according to my records, which tells me that Doc had either told him that he’d given up or he’d just stopped talking about it. 

About a year and a few months later, on February 20, 1937, Hull had one thing and one thing only to say to Switzer and he did it in a letter that contained one terse sentence. He said:

“A day or so ago I heard that Hilgard has a leave of absence from Stanford for the last quarter, and is coming here to finish the book on conditioned reflexes by himself and Marquis.”

Was he scolding Switzer? Was he trying to shame him into finishing his own book? The answer, I think, could be a little of both. It was as if he was saying, “See? This is what authoring a book actually looks like.”

As I mentioned earlier, Hilgard’s and Marquis’ book came out in 1940. It’s now a classic. That same year, Hull was part of a team that published a 329-page book titled Mathematico-deductive Theory of Rote Learning. Three years later, he published his classic, Principles of Behavior.

But by then, Doc was doing something else entirely. In 1942, he did an about-face and enlisted in the Army Air Forces to do his part during World War II. There, he was warmly welcomed for his skills in psychological testing, which involved assessing and placing Army Air Forces personnel according to their vocational strengths. By the war’s end, he’d worked himself into a lofty post at the Pentagon, where he was chief of the demobilization procedures section, and, according to a letter Doc wrote to Miami’s vice president, was “partly responsible for speeding up the release of a quarter million Air Forces men.” After the war, Doc was given the rank of lieutenant colonel, and he became a member of the Air Force Reserves. From that point on, he had two bosses: Miami University and the United States Air Force.

So there would be no book on conditioned reflexes. But that doesn’t mean Doc didn’t think he had a book inside him.

On June 30, 1951, as Doc was writing to Major H.G. Rollins of the Air Research and Development Command (ARDC) about a temporary job opportunity in Baltimore, he had this to say:

“Incidentally, I can be reached at my office at the university in the mornings. The number is 277-J. I am in the midst of writing a text on INDUSTRIAL PSYCHOLOGY and my afternoons are taken up with that task, which I carry on at home. The home phone is 487-M.”

A book on industrial psychology would have been perfect for Doc. He’d developed the business psychology course at Miami and, as with conditioning, he knew the subject backwards and forwards. And even though he seemed to be out of touch with his former mentor, Clark Hull, I’m sure there were no hard feelings between them. If Hull could have helped him get it published, I believe he would have. Also, even though Miami University didn’t have its own publishing operation at that time, other universities did. If he’d finished his book, I’m confident that he could have found a publisher.

But he didn’t finish that one either. From what I can tell, he didn’t work on his book during his sabbatical in 1956-57, and by his retirement in June 1966, he didn’t mention any plans to complete his book when asked how he’d be spending his newfound time. 

No, after Doc Switzer worked for the ARDC in 1951, he seemed to lose all interest in publishing a book on a topic he’d been passionate about for so long.

Could it be that he became busy doing other things? Depending on what those other things were, and who they were for, not only is it possible that Doc had lost his scientific soul, but there’s a chance that he ended up selling it to the devil. 

Why I think the USAF Surgeon General’s Office wanted St. Clair Switzer to be their liaison to Project Artichoke

In the spring of 1951, St. Clair Switzer was in a predicament. The war was on in Korea, and he’d been ordered to report to Maxwell Air Force Base, in Montgomery, Alabama, for a four-day processing period to determine his eligibility for active duty as an instructor at Air University. Making matters worse, he’d received his orders at around noon on April 14, a Saturday, and he was expected to show up at Maxwell by 2 p.m. on Monday, April 16, which isn’t a whole lot of notice. Although he may have managed to make the trip to Alabama for the required four days, there wasn’t enough time for him to obtain a written statement from Miami officials as to whether they approved his release for active duty or if they would request a delay. On April 21, Ernest Hahne, Miami University’s president, wrote a letter to George C. Kenney, commanding general of Air University, scolding him for the ridiculously tight turnaround, and letting him know how important Dr. Switzer was at Miami, what with his teaching and advising responsibilities and all. 

“It is our urgent request that Professor Switzer be released from this call to duty at this time,” Hahne wrote.

Hahne’s letter worked. Switzer didn’t become an instructor at Air University in 1951.

Nevertheless, the Air Force didn’t put Switzer’s name at the bottom of the pile either. In June of that same year, Major H.G. Rollins, chief of the Military Training Branch at the Air Research and Development Command (ARDC) in Baltimore, Md., had reached out to Switzer, seeking assistance. Rollins had been placed in charge of a high-level project that involved the recruitment of scientific personnel, and a friend of Switzer’s from his WWII glory days had volunteered his name as someone who could potentially help in that cause. As usual, Doc Switzer was ready and willing to hightail it out of Oxford. (Truth be told, I think he’d have been happy to relocate to Alabama too if President Hahne hadn’t interceded.) Doc submitted his lengthy application one day after receiving the form, and by August 6, 1951, he was on the government’s payroll, working in the Sun Building at 5 West Baltimore Street. 

I’m sure he loved it. Who among us doesn’t adore that gritty city with its glittery Inner Harbor, its memorial to master poet and writer of scary stories Edgar Allan Poe, and its crab cakes? (My God, the crab cakes.) As for his living arrangements, he was staying in room 1022 of the iconic Emerson Hotel. Niiiiice, Doc.

According to records I’ve obtained, Switzer worked for the ARDC from August 6 through the pay period ending September 22, 1951, and he was paid $35 per day. That may not sound like much, but during that month and a half period, Switzer earned a gross income of $910, which translates to roughly $10,679 in today’s dollars. That’s pretty good in this girl’s opinion, especially when you factor in the prestigiousness of the position.

Because, make no mistake, working for the ARDC was pretty huge. It was officially established in April 1951 to oversee all research and development for the Air Force.

I probably need to say that last part once more with the caps lock turned on: the ARDC oversaw ALL RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT FOR THE AIR FORCE.  

As in all of it.  

As in every last bit.  

Although its initial home was Wright Patterson Air Force Base, near Dayton, Ohio—a place I’ve mentioned before on this blogsite—in June 1951, an “advanced echelon” was moved to Baltimore and “charged with recruiting additional scientific personnel,” according to that month’s Air Corps Newsletter.

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So if the ARDC was started in April of 1951 and an advanced echelon of the ARDC had moved to Baltimore in June of 1951, then St. Clair Switzer, who’d been approached by Major Rollins also in June of 1951, was getting in on the ground floor. As far as Switzer’s role in the operation goes, he submitted the following blurb to a Miss Marshall for publication in the autumn 1951 issue of Benton Bulletin, a newsletter that was ostensibly written for university administrators occupying Miami’s Benton Hall:

“Prof. S.A. Switzer spent August and the first part of September as a civilian consultant with the headquarters of the Air Research & Development Command in Baltimore. Dr. Switzer assisted in formulating the long-range training program for Reserve officer scientists who have research and development assignments in the Air Force.”

Doc went on to tell Miss Marshall that “I am enjoying this work very much, and I believe that I am being much more useful to the Air Force in this assignment than I would have been in the one for which they planned to call me to active duty last June.” 

He’s probably referring to the Air University gig in that last comment. Sadly, nowhere in his four-page letter does he mention the crab cakes.

So, in sum, the ARDC was very big and very important and, consequently, it would have had the attention of big and important people within the Air Force.

With all of this in mind, let’s now direct our attention to a CIA memo that had been written on September 23, 1952.

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The memo was written almost a year to the day after St. Clair Switzer had ostensibly stopped working for the ARDC. I say “ostensibly” because there were signs that he had some sort of ongoing working relationship with them. On January 2, 1952, again, ostensibly after his ARDC stint was over, he’d applied for a Social Security account number and listed the Air Force as his employer. For his employer’s address, he wrote down ARDC’s address on West Baltimore Street. (If you’re wondering why he didn’t already have a Social Security number, he hadn’t needed one before that time. Then as now, Miami University employees were enrolled in a separate public retirement system.) 

St. Clair Switzer’s Social Security application; click on image for a closer view.

The number assigned to Doc Switzer was 216-32-8226, with the “216” prefix designated for Baltimore applicants. Based on the history of how Social Security numbers were assigned in those days, his number tells me that he must have been in Baltimore the day after New Year’s in 1952, when Miami U was still on break, to submit his application. He would’ve had to get back on the road soon, however. Classes were scheduled to start the next day.

So the question of whether he continued working for ARDC every so often—be it remotely, at Wright Patterson AFB perhaps, or through some other arrangement—or if his work ended in September 1951 remains a small mystery.

Back to the memo of September 23, 1952, which is four paragraphs long. I’d now like to dissect this memo, paragraph by paragraph, to see if anything new can be gleaned from it. But first, to help with our dissection, I’ve isolated a couple letters that were typed within that same memo which I think will come in handy in certain places.

Here’s a capital S.

And here’s a lower-case r. 

Let’s go!

Paragraph 1 – The transfer

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We really don’t care about paragraph 1. When the memo was written, Project Artichoke had been handed over to the Inspection and Security Office by the Office of Scientific Intelligence, and they were busily working through the logistics of that transfer. No big revelations here.

Paragraph 2 – The doctor who had ‘nothing to contribute’

Paragraph 2 focuses on a doctor whose redacted name is mentioned in the first line. The consensus concerning the doctor was that he had “nothing to contribute in the line of research.” Above the noncontributing doctor’s name are the words “U.S. commander,” which is a clue to his identity.   

A “commander” could be someone in the Navy or the Coast Guard as is shown on the below chart.

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But if you look above those lines on the chart, you’ll see that the rank of commander is the equivalent of a lieutenant colonel in the Army, Marines, or Air Force. Indeed, in military speak, lieutenant colonels are also considered commanders, in that they are put in command of various types of squadrons. The person who wrote the term above the doctor’s crossed-out name could have been referring to a Naval officer, sure, but they also could have been using the term generically. 

We can whittle down the possibilities even further since only the Army, Navy, and Air Force were involved with Project Artichoke. I happen to believe the person with the pen was referring to someone in the Air Force. You’ll see why in the next section. 

Next, if you zoom in on the redacted name of the U.S. commander, a few letters appear to stand out, with some standing out more than others. Do I think the first letter of the first name looks a lot like a capital S? I do, but, admittedly, it’s iffy. Does there appear to be a second capital S beneath the “n/d” in commander? There kinda does, but again, I wouldn’t stake my life on it. We’re going to go the conservative route here and say that it appears that the last letter in his last name is an r. 

Click on image for a closer view.

Finally, as we discussed in a previous post, someone from OTS—the Office of Technical Service, which was run by Sidney Gottlieb—may have visited the doctor/U.S. commander on September 19, 1952, to explore the question of whether he might be able to contribute to Artichoke research. 

To summarize, I believe the 2nd paragraph is telling us that a commander in the U.S. military (which will be narrowed down further in the next paragraph) whose last name ends with an r had been considered for Artichoke research, though the consensus was that he had nothing to contribute. Someone affiliated with Sidney Gottlieb’s group may have explored that question with him during a visit on September 19, 1952. Moving on… 

Paragraph 3 – The colonels 

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Although there are still areas of uncertainty, I think we can put together a few more pieces to the puzzle that is paragraph 3.

The first thing we notice is that the term Col. is placed in front of a number of names throughout paragraphs 3 and 4, which means we can eliminate the Navy. The Navy doesn’t have colonels. Therefore, the writer is speaking about people from the Army or Air Force. And because we already know from paragraph 3 of the January 14, 1953, memo that a major in the USAF’s medical corps (whom I believe to be Louis J. West) is being considered for a well-balanced interrogation research center in addition to a certain lieutenant colonel (whom I believe to be St. Clair Switzer), I think we can safely conclude that they’re talking about the Air Force in this memo too. So Air Force it is. On this I will stake my life.

If it’s the Air Force we’re talking about (and it is), then the surgeon general who’s referenced in paragraph 3 has to be the Air Force’s surgeon general at that time, Major General Harry G. Armstrong.

Major General Harry George Armstrong

In order to be a surgeon general, you need to have a medical degree, and Major General Armstrong had received his in 1925 from the University of Louisville, Kentucky. He was the second person to serve as surgeon general of the Air Force, succeeding his mentor, General Malcom Grow, in 1949.

In 1939, Armstrong published Principles and Practice of Aviation Medicine, which was groundbreaking at the outset and remained the field’s authoritative text for decades. According to a write-up in the February 2011 issue of Aviation, Space, and Environmental Medicine, his research focused on protecting the body against the dangers of high altitudes, such as extreme temperatures and reduced oxygen levels. After General Grow successfully spearheaded the creation of the Aero Medical Laboratory at Wright Patterson AFB, Armstrong became its first director, overseeing the laboratory from 1934 to 1940. I’m sure when he moved to the Surgeon General’s Office, in Washington, D.C., in 1949, he continued to have a soft spot for his old stomping ground in Dayton, Ohio.

Despite the above accomplishments, Armstrong and Grow were the men whose brains had conjured up Operation Paperclip. As you may recall, Operation Paperclip was the infamous military operation in which Nazis with strong scientific credentials were brought to the United States, many to Wright Patterson AFB, so that the U.S. could benefit from their expertise. Operation Paperclip was also viewed as a defensive move, to prevent the Soviets from getting to those scientists first. The name originates from the sanitized cover sheets that were paperclipped to the Nazis’ papers to help move the process along.  

So…there’s that.

Back to paragraph 3. Let’s skip over the first part, especially the part about the person they were going to go easy on from a security standpoint because he had a “propensity to talk.” I still don’t have an inkling of who that person was, and I can’t understand why someone from the CIA would want to go easy on anyone who had such a propensity.

Instead, let’s focus on the last sentence of paragraph 3. 

Without worrying too much about the owners of the names that have been redacted, let’s first concentrate on what the writer is saying: According to the new Artichoke protocol, OTS (aka the Office of Technical Service, which was led by Sidney Gottlieb) “will be obligated to check with OS” (aka the Office of Security, led by Sheffield Edwards) and OS (the Office of Security) “would automatically check with REDACTED in view of the fact that REDACTED is a consultant of, and of primary interest to the Surgeon General.”

In other words, according to the last sentence of paragraph 3, even though Harry G. Armstrong’s name has never been officially linked to Project Artichoke, certainly not to the degree in which Sidney Gottlieb’s has, he appears to have had veto power over Sidney Gottlieb when it came to the Air Force’s involvement in Project Artichoke. 

So…there’s that too.

And what of the person with whom the Office of Security was supposed to check? That person’s name—likely his surname—began with the letter S. Clearly. There is no other letter that fits. 

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Paragraph 4—the person who needed to be ‘cut into the picture’

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In 1952, the USAF’s Office of the Surgeon General was composed of the following people:

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The colonel from that office—the one with whom another colonel had recently spoken—was in all probability Col. Jack Buel, who was in charge of special projects for the Surgeon General’s Office. (The other colonel in the office was an assistant for veterinary service, so it couldn’t have been him.) As it so happens, Jack Buel had earned a Ph.D. in psychology from UC Berkeley in 1935, one year after Switzer had earned his Ph.D. at Yale. Before his time with the Office of the Surgeon General, Buel had published articles on finger mazes and polygraphs. A few of his later publications are listed on the National Library of Medicine’s biomedical research website known as PubMed.

I believe that it was Col. Buel who advised the other colonel whose name is redacted that “he thinks very highly of REDACTED and that it will be essential to keep him cut into the picture.” As I’ve stated in a previous post, I think that Doc Switzer is the person that the Surgeon General’s Office thought very highly of and whose involvement they wished to retain. But I was having a tough time figuring out how they would have known him. As you may recall, I thought perhaps Switzer had conducted behind-the-scenes book research for the Air Force or CIA since he lived so close to the Armed Services Technical Information Agency, in downtown Dayton. Who knows, maybe he still did that. I also thought the word “research” above the person’s redacted name was how they wished for him to be used in the Artichoke project—to do book research for them perhaps.

I guess what bothered me about that theory was the illegible word in front of the word “research” above the redacted name. It appeared to be a short word of three letters. The letters are light and slanty and difficult to decipher. 

But after spending some time zooming in on those letters very closely, I now believe I know what’s written there. Air. As in Air Research.

Where have we seen that phrase before?  

OK, so let’s put together everything we’ve learned to see if we can make sense of things:  

A doctor—maybe an M.D., maybe a Ph.D.—who was also a lieutenant colonel in the Air Force and whose last name ended with an r had been considered by the CIA for possible Artichoke research. However, the consensus was that they didn’t feel he could contribute.

On another front, according to a new protocol, a person whose name starts with the letter S was to be the USAF surgeon general’s point person for Project Artichoke. The CIA’s Office of Technical Service would first check with the Office of Security, which, in turn, would approach the surgeon general’s point person, a Mr.—or Dr.—S for his input and approval. 

Finally, an official in the Office of the Surgeon General whom I believe to be Jack Buel made it clear to a fellow colonel that someone that the CIA was on the fence about—quite feasibly the doctor/lieutenant colonel from paragraph 2—was essential to the program. And the reason was because Buel (and, by extension, Harry G. Armstrong) thought highly of this person, who had experience in “air research.”  

And what do we know about air research? We know that if a person had experience with air research, then they likely had connections to the ARDC, since the ARDC oversaw all research and development for the Air Force. 

Final thoughts

There are still plenty of details we can’t be sure about. We don’t know if the doctor/lieutenant colonel whose name ends in r is the same guy as the surgeon general’s point person whose name starts with S.

We don’t even know if the surgeon general’s point person whose name starts with S is the same person as the consultant who was of “primary interest to the Surgeon General.”

With that being said, I think it’s likely that the doctor/lieutenant colonel (whose name ends in r) was the person that the CIA was considering cutting out of the picture, and therefore, the person that Jack Buel stood up for. For that reason, I think the doctor/lieutenant colonel was the same person who had work experience with the ARDC. 

Was this person St. Clair Switzer? If it was, then Doc Switzer had the ear of the USAF Surgeon General’s Office, and they had requested him as their liaison to Project Artichoke.

I can’t imagine him saying no, can you?